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Dec 22, 2025
Dr. Vineet Singh & Dr. A. Adityanjee

Canada’s Terror Footprints: Preventing Pakistanisation of Canada’s Civic Polity

Introduction Canada has established itself as a stable, pluralist democracy insulated from the turmoil that afflicts other democratic societies. Its geography and ethnic profile, including its relatively friendly superpower neighbour, have bestowed this buffer and confidence so far. However, events over the past few years are beginning to look less like strength and more like complacency now. Over the past decade, an undercurrent of foreign-linked extremism, diaspora factionalism and political expediency for electoral advantage has quietly reshaped parts of Canada’s civic landscape. If left unchecked, the country risks drifting towards a form of political fragmentation that has destabilised other democracies that winked at criminalisation of their civic polity. Some analysts refer to this trend, provocatively, as the early stages of “Pakistanisation,” especially during former PM Justin Trudeau’s tenure, due to crass vote bank politics. The term is not about nationality or ethnicity; it is about a pattern of governance in which legitimate political actors—intentionally or not—allow sectarianism, foreign influence and identity-based power blocs to erode the authority of the state and the unity of the civic sphere. Pakistan’s political history from the 1980s onwards illustrates the consequences of politicians enabling extremist proxies, domestic and foreign alike, for short-term fiscal, electoral and strategic advantage. Though the socio-economic and cultural ethos are protective, given public ignorance and political short-sightedness, Canada should not assume that it is immune to a similar predicament. Once deeply embedded, it would be hard for Canada to eradicate such forces. The Rise of Imported Polarisation In 1981, 93% Canadians were white Caucasian, which is projected to reduce to 67% by 2026. There has been an unprecedented rate of immigration, especially over the past 10 years. In addition, Canada took thousands of Syrian and Afghanistan displaced people. Most of these immigrants come from developing countries, and in the process, they also bring some of those politico-religious conflicts. This is inadvertently reflected in Canadian vote-bank politics, so conflicts that originated elsewhere, in Punjab, Jammu & Kashmir, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, and the Middle East, get mixed with the dynamics of local and national politics here in Canada. There are diverse ways in which people whose everyday lives have been uprooted and shaped by both violent conflict and spaces of asylum understand and protest war, violence and displacement transnationally. Many Canadians genuinely sense this shift but struggle to articulate it coherently. In August 2022, Vancouver Police publicly named a list of the most violent criminals, and nine of the 11 Canadian men were of Punjabi origin. The nexus between drug lords, violent gangs like this and the so-called Khalistan movement is well known. Then there is a whole list of events relating to some degree of impunity of these militants after they were involved in the biggest terrorist attacks from Canadian soil by bombing Air India 182 on June 23rd, 1985. Sadly, Canada’s judicial and political system failed miserably to bring the perpetrators to justice. Ongoing diplomatic relations between India and Canada, following the killing of one such criminal drug lord, Hardeep Singh Nijjar are covered extensively by the Canadian and the world media. India had strongly opposed Canada’s lack of response to their internal security threats. Well-publicised open threats of murder towards Indian diplomats, Indian citizens, including the Indian PM, have been repeatedly made. Indian concerns have, until recently had been met with some degree of arrogance and dismissiveness and in tune with Canadian values, freedom of speech. Sikh-Canadian parades featuring portraits of violent separatists, proclaimed terrorists and their “community organisations” are becoming fronts for foreign political agendas. But local politicians are navigating these pressures with discomfort—or, at times, with calculated silence. These tensions are no secret to Canada’s security professionals. On 22 December 2020, Karima Baloch, a very prominent voice of the Baloch Student Wing, of Pakistan, was found dead under mysterious circumstances, submerged under Toronto's waterfront. Several politicians and activists, including the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC), claimed that she was murdered by the agents of the Pakistani state agency ISI (Inter-Service Intelligence). Despite these concerns and assertions, Canadian authorities ruled her death as "non-criminal," although her death raised significant concerns and demands for further investigation. Similarly, the Sri Lankan government’s alleged free run to pro-LTTE sympathisers and activists and state-directed violence during 2008 and early 2009 killed tens of thousands of Tamil civilians and displaced hundreds of thousands of Sri Lankans. In response, different sections of the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora in Canada mobilised and protested the atrocities of the Sri Lankan government, and the Canadian government’s inaction and silence on these extensive human rights violations. Their efforts gained media attention during a protest that stopped traffic along the Gardiner Expressway in Toronto. Canada welcomed 45,000 Syrian refugees in 2015, although the cultural-economic impact of this move appears less volatile for Canada at this juncture than in some Scandinavian countries or Germany. However, continuing ethnic strife across the world is turning thousands of people into refugees. Canada has been a magnet for many international criminal syndicates from Mexico, Vietnam, the Italian mafia and the Indian subcontinent originating from the state of Punjab. The Government of India had provided names of several dreaded gangsters, radicals, drug smugglers and proclaimed terrorists, which India claims is turning out to be a safe haven for such elements to the Canadian government. Goldy Brar is one of them. India has also flagged 9 separatist outfits. Progress in this area has been very slow over the years. Factoring all aspects cited, the enactment of unique state-led “geopolitics from below” demonstrates how diaspora geopolitics “traverse national borders and defy any monolithic conception of belonging to or making a home in a single country.” Some of the naturalised Canadian citizens who sought asylum from other countries are orchestrating terror activities back “home” despite becoming Canadian citizens! CSIS has repeatedly warned that foreign states are cultivating influence networks inside religious institutions and community groups. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) has noted the growing presence of overseas political conflicts spilling onto Canadian soil. Yet, clear political leadership on these issues remains elusive. The fear of being labelled discriminatory has often outweighed the responsibility to enforce basic civic norms. Multiculturalism is Being Stretched Beyond Its Intent Canada’s multicultural framework was designed to protect cultural expression, not to provide political immunity for militant factions advancing extremist narratives or foreign-state interests. Yet the current environment rewards the loudest mobilisers, not the most representative voices. Highly organised groups—sometimes with transnational ideological backing—exercise influence that far exceeds their demographic size. This distortion does not strengthen diversity; it strains it. When multiculturalism becomes a shield for radical messaging, it undermines the social trust on which the entire model depends. It has also led to diplomatic embarrassment for the Canadian government repeatedly. Domestic Politics, Geopolitics and Western Alliance Canadian Political Parties must draw a line, but the overall process and framework of Canadian democracy cater to dependency on a bulk vote bank with strong community ties, which is seen more commonly in Canadian Sikh communities and Canadian Muslims via temples and mosques. They submit forms to Elections Canada (the federal election body), get at least 100 voter signatures from their constituency. Then they build a team, raise funds, and campaign within the constituency. Many Sikh temples have been infiltrated by some hardcore extremists who take this opportunity to assert their terror ideology, for this well-oiled support, which is not available to prospective politicians anywhere else so easily. Even though some ethnic minorities may be less than 2% of the total population, and may be impacting minimally in the overall scheme of things. People around the globe perhaps don’t understand this incumbency of Canadian politics. Some would call it callousness, short-sightedness, perhaps a racist lens (it is a non-white problem) or sheer arrogance and laziness when the whole national brand is being eroded by these elements in this increasingly interdependent and multipolar world. Inadvertently, then, the most worrying development is sheer political normalisation. When any political party feels compelled to appease hardline immigrant groups to preserve electoral viability, the damage extends beyond one constituency. It signals to extremist actors that intimidation works, that silence can be purchased and that Canadian civic identity is negotiable. This cycle of bullying and exploitation of the system perpetuates. This problem has amplified now, and several countries besides India have openly expressed concerns. What are the options for Canada? A cross-party bill in the parliament is long overdue, which should forbid courting organisations that glorify violence, and no indulgence for foreign-state patrons should be tolerated. In this regard, there should be no ambiguity about where Canada draws its civic boundaries. Canada must work to reclaim the Centre of Canadian Democracy. With its vibrant democracy and free speech, Canada, no doubt, has this inherent capacity to steer itself away from deeper fragmentation, but in doing so will also require transparent scrutiny of foreign funding in cultural and religious institutions. Stronger enforcement mechanisms against the glorification of violence or terrorism, regardless of group or origin, should be the norm. This message should be propagated via media, which, unfortunately, has failed to invoke debate as some media outlets have toed the government line. Overall, Canadian leaders and elected officials must articulate that Canadian politics is not an extension of overseas conflicts. Renewed investment in civic education, emphasising that cultural identity enriches Canada—and does not replace citizenship as the common denominator. None of this is about singling out communities. It is about reaffirming that civic values, to imported grievances, define political life in this country. A Closing Warning Democracies rarely collapse suddenly. They decay slowly—through hesitation, through deference to fringe voices, through the normalisation of what previously would have been unthinkable. Canada stands at a moment when candour is necessary. Ignoring the encroachment of extremist politics is not tolerance; it is abdication of duty and responsibility. Canada can be a model of pluralism. But it must also be a serious state—one that enforces its laws, defends its civic space and refuses to let domestic politics become a battleground for foreign struggles. With the changing demographics and geopolitical tensions which Canada cannot be immune to the choice is still for Canada to make. Conclusions There is still time for Canada to act decisively against criminal elements that usurp the open and free society and democratic system to espouse violence against foreign leaders. It may become too late, just like for Pakistan, which hosted terrorists from all over the world. From the 1980s onwards, for geopolitical reasons, it gave shelter and asylum to hijackers of planes and promoted violent terrorist acts against neighbouring India. Now the same people are running amok in Pakistan, creating a law and order situation for the national government that has become afflicted with domestic terrorism. It will depend on the sagacity and political wisdom of the Mark Carney government to gradually restore civic order by prosecuting the criminals, gangsters, drug and arms smugglers who usurp the rhetoric of free speech while espousing violence against other Canadian citizens, foreign diplomats and foreign leaders. Time to act is NOW. No more dithering, as it would consume Canada’s civic polity by the scourge of domestic terrorism.

Dec 21, 2025
Dr. Srikanth Appikonda

In the Melody of Telugu

I traverse the vast landscapes of music, yet only the old Telugu melodies feel like home to me. Timeless melodies of the 1950s and 19G0s carry a gentle resonance - calm, tender, and soothing, offering rest to a weary traveller beneath a tree, where the leaves murmur softly in a playful breeze. Classic Telugu melodies hold me in a quiet, inexplicable spell. Though I speak Telugu, reading and writing it elude me. everyday conversation feels natural, but the classical literary forms remain largely inaccessible. The solace I find in old melodies, then, goes beyond poetry or literal understanding. Nostalgia offers no easy answer either; I barely heard those songs while growing up. Raised outside Andhra, my childhood soundscape was shaped mostly by Hindi music. Yet what I lack in linguistic mastery has turned into an unexpected gift. My limited grasp of Telugu frees me from analysis and allows me to experience the language in its purest form, not through meaning, but through sound. When I listen to the old melodies, I perceive something my conscious mind does not need to translate. Perhaps the inexplicable spell arises from my fragmented roots: Telugu is neither familiar enough to dissect nor distant enough to breed indifference. My relationship with it exists in sound and rhythm, rather than literal understanding. Those golden-era songs, with their unhurried pacing, simple orchestration and poetic phrasing, sung in voices that carried restraint and dignity, transform Telugu itself into music. In its lyrical and classical form, the language awakens something deep and instinctive, something that feels unmistakably like belonging. Still, the question lingers: could this simply be subconscious bias? After all, Telugu is my mother tongue. To explore how language alone can reshape the emotional texture of a melody, it is revealing to look at compositions that share the same musical foundation across different languages. The immortal Brundavanamadi Andaridi, composed by S. Rajeswara Rao for the Telugu film Missamma (1955), finds counterparts in Tamil as Brindavanamum Nandhakumaaranum (Missiamma, 1955) and in Hindi as Brindaban Ka Krishna Kanhaiya (Miss Mary, 1957). Carried across languages without altering the melodic core, this composition offers an opportunity to listen beyond familiarity and meaning and to hear how language itself reshapes musical perception. A comparison of the three versions reveals notable differences in vowel richness, word density, and lyrical textural differences that significantly influence musical flow. The Telugu version is strikingly vowel-rich, with most words ending in open vowels, such as andari vaadele, aanandamule, and pongadate. This creates a bright, continuous tonal stream that lends itself naturally to sustained notes and a smooth, cohesive melodic line. Tamil too favours vowel endings, such as selvamandro, mayangaadhavaro, thullaadhaa, but balances them with consonant closures like brindhaavanamum and yaavarukkum. The result is a texture that remains fluid while introducing gentle rhythmic punctuation. Hindi, by contrast, employs a more varied mix of vowel and consonant endings, such as aankhon ka taara or ghat saavan ki, producing a more dynamic and speech-like texture. Additionally, Hindi’s more analytic structure leads to a higher word count. Where Telugu and Tamil often compress meaning into agglutinative forms, Hindi typically unfolds the same idea across multiple words. The Telugu brundavanamadi conveys “belonging to Brindavan” within a single word, while Hindi requires vrindaavan ka. Similarly, andari vaadele succinctly expresses “he belongs to everyone,” a thought that Hindi expands into sab ka pyaara. This linguistic economy allows Telugu and Tamil to maintain greater vowel continuity and melodic smoothness, while Hindi’s word-rich phrasing introduces more articulation points within the tune. A similar pattern emerges in A. R. Rahman’s Kaatre En Vaasal from the Tamil film Rhythm (2000), later composed in Telugu as Gaale Naa Vatikikoche and adapted into Hindi as Paighaam Laya Saawan for Lakeer. Once again, the Telugu version is the most vowel-saturated, with an uninterrupted stream of open vowel endings that allows melodic phrases to stretch and flow with minimal interruption. The song moves like the breeze it describes. Tamil maintains vowel dominance but introduces soft, nasal consonants that add gentle rhythmic definition without breaking the melodic line. Hindi, with its greater number of consonant endings, introduces frequent micro-pauses that anchor the melody. The result is a sound that is texturally rich and expressive, yet more segmented and speech-oriented than its South Indian counterparts. Taken together, these examples suggest that Telugu’s vowel-rich structure with fewer acoustic obstacles naturally supports a seamless melodic flow, Tamil offers a measured balance between fluidity and form, and Hindi, navigating a denser phonetic terrain, delivers narrative richness and variety. Linguistic structure, through vowel-consonant patterns and word density, quietly but powerfully shapes how a melody is felt. Listening to these shared melodies feels like walking through open country toward home. Hindi is the winding road that leads the way; expressive and narrative, carrying the song forward with purpose, one turn at a time. Tamil becomes the stone path at the threshold; carefully carved and firmly set, balanced and enduring, giving the melody shape, weight, and quiet dignity. Telugu is the gentle breeze that moves through the space itself; slipping past pillars and across courtyards, unbound by edges or intention. Each language, with its own nature, is essential to the journey; together they allow the same melody to be felt not as a single place, but as a passage. And when the weary traveller finally arrives, it is often that breeze, gentle and soothing, that feels most like home. And for those who wish to linger a little longer in that breeze, these are a few melodies to return to, songs that seem to belong to a quieter time. They may carry you back to another time, carefree and unhurried, when conversations drifted across wide courtyards, voices settled on worn stone steps or small cots, and a radio was left playing softly, letting music fill the spaces in between. Akasha veedhilo andala jabili Nannu dochukunduvate Lahiri lahiri lo Mabbulo yemundi Telisindile telisindile Chelikadu ninne rammani piluva Pagale vennela Adutu paadutu pani chesthunte Ravoyi chandamama Prema yatralaku Nannu vadali Chitapata chinukulu Repanti roopamkanti …and so many more, waiting to be heard again.