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Aug 20, 2026
Viren S Doshi

Muslims and the Struggle Against British Colonial Rule in India: 1757–1947

Overview The nearly 200-year struggle against the East India Company and the British Crown involved people of numerous communities in India. Muslim Invasions had been waning with the British invasion. Yet there were a handful of states ruled by Muslim rulers in this period. Out of almost 600 states, only around 15 to 20 per cent states were ruled by Muslim rulers in this period. Muslim involvement in the Indian Struggle of Independence took multiple forms: Muslim rulers defending states occupied by them Religious and social reformers trying to pursue reforms among a non-reformist Mullah dominated community Socialist peasant Muslim leaders trying to guard interests of farmers And some nationalist Muslim politicians, couple of Muslim revolutionaries, and most abundantly proponents of a separate Muslim nation i.e. Pakistan. This article evaluates Muslim involvement chronologically and distinguishes between the broad motives: 1. Muslim State/Community Interest – fighting to save a kingdom or local authority 2. Separate Islamic Nation – fighting for theocratic state/Pakistan 3. Anti-Colonial Nationalism – fighting for freedom of undivided united India Part 1: 1757–1857 – Resistance for Occupied Muslim States by Occupying Muslim Rulers This phase was dominated by wars of Muslim rulers against the East India Company which had won the Battle of Plassey in 1757 against some of the Muslim Rulers and had gained foothold as an invading ruler in the Indian Subcontinent. The concept of "Indian nation" was anathema for the occupying Muslim rulers. Major Conflicts: 1. Battle of Buxar 1764: Nawab Mir Qasim of Bengal, Nawab Shuja-ud-Daula of Awadh, and Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II allied against the Company. Defeat led to the grant of Diwani of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa to the Company. 2. Anglo-Tipu Wars 1767–1799: Sultan Hyder Ali and later Sultan Tipu of Mysore fought 4 wars to keep Mysore in their possession. Tipu sought French assistance and died in 1799 defending Srirangapatna. 3. Annexations 1803–1856: Delhi was occupied and ruled by Mughal Muslim rulers came under Company control after 1803. The Kingdom of Awadh, ruled by a Muslim ruler, was annexed in 1856. Princely states occupied and ruled by Muslim rulers like Hyderabad, Bhopal, Rampur and Bahawalpur signed subsidiary alliances and remained allied to the British. Religious-Peasant Movements: 1. Sayyid Ahmad Barelvi 1786–1831: Launched a movement in the North-West Frontier Province against the Sikh Empire and later British influence. The goal was the establishment of an Islamic polity. 2. Faraizi Movement 1818–1870, Bengal: Haji Shariatullah and his son Dudu Miyan mobilised Muslim peasants against British indigo planters and landlords. It combined Islamic religious reform with economic resistance. Assessment: These were significant anti-colonial struggles, but their primary objective was regional, dynastic, or community-based, not for any Indian national goal. Part 2: 1857–1858 – The First War of Independence against the British Forces The 1857 uprising was the first large-scale coordination across North and Central India. Role of Muslims in this War: 1. Bahadur Shah Zafar 1775–1862, Mughal Emperor: Declared titular head by rebels in Delhi. Goal: restoration of Mughal authority over "Hindustan". Exiled to Rangoon after the war. 2. Begum Hazrat Mahal c.1820–1879, Awadh: Led administration in Lucknow during 1857 to reverse the 1856 annexation of Awadh. 3. Khan Bahadur Khan Rohilla 1807–1860, Bareilly: Declared occupation rule in Rohilkhand. Executed in 1860. 4. Maulvi Liaquat Ali 1817–1892, Allahabad: Organised the struggle in Allahabad. Died in prison. Muslim sepoys, ulema, and zamindars participated in these conflicts. Assessment: The goal was to end Company rule and restore the pre-1857 political order. It was anti-British and geographically wide, but it was not fought by the concerned Muslims in the name of "Indian nation". After 1858, British administrative policy adversely affected Muslim elites, leading to the loss of employment and land. Part 3: 1870–1919 Reform and Entry into National Politics After 1857, two parallel tracks emerged among the Muslims. 1. Modernist Track – Sir Syed Ahmad Khan 1817–1898: Founded the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh in 1875. Advocated English education and cooperation with the British to regain Muslim socio-economic position. He opposed the early Indian National Congress. 2. Revivalist Track – Darul Uloom Deoband 1866: Founded by Maulana Qasim Nanautavi and Maulana Rashid Ahmad Gangohi. Focused on Islamic education. Later, Deobandi scholars like Maulana Mahmud Hasan became involved in anti-British activities. Meanwhile, on the political front, some Muslims joined Congress: Badruddin Tyabji served as President of the Indian National Congress in 1887. Early Muslim members argued for cooperation with other communities within British India. While other Muslims formed a Muslim Political Organisation: The All-India Muslim League was formed in Dhaka in 1906, 21 years after the Indian National Congress was founded in 1885. From its inception, the League projected itself as an organisation to safeguard Muslim political interests under British rule. Over time, its political demands clearly and recklessly diverged from those of the Congress, aiding and abetting the British Occupation, even at the cost of India's freedom movement and clearly for the partition of India to carve out a big Muslim State almost akin to the Muslim Mughal Empire. Assessment: This period saw less armed resistance. The Muslim focus was on sectarian education, community organisation, and sectarian politics. Revolutionary and Military Track: A couple of Muslim revolutionaries fought for the freedom of India. 1. Ashfaqulla Khan 1900–1927: Member of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association. Executed in the Kakori Conspiracy Case. His stated goal was "Complete Independence". 2. Maulvi Barakatullah Bhopali 1854–1927: Founder of the Ghadar Party. Head of the Provisional Government of India in Kabul in 1915. Part 4: 1919–1937 – Mass Movements and Muslim Riots This was the period of the largest mass mobilisation and riots. Khilafat Movement 1920–1922: Led by Maulana Muhammad Ali, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, and Hakim Ajmal Khan. Allied with Mahatma Gandhi. The stated goals were the restoration of the Ottoman Caliphate and a secondary, traded or half-hearted goal was Swaraj for India. Millions of Muslims participated in hartals and courted arrest as part of Khilafat. The movement declined after Turkey abolished the Caliphate in 1924. Some Muslims tried to migrate to Afghanistan, it being a Muslim State. But they were looted and driven back from that Muslim state back to India. Heinous Moplah riots led to the bloodshed of Hindus as part of Jihad and Khilafat. Civil Disobedience Movement 1930–1934: Muslims including Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, Asaf Ali, and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, participated and were imprisoned. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan 1890–1988, "Frontier Gandhi": Founded the Khudai Khidmatgar organisation in the North-West Frontier Province. Spent over 30 years in British jails. Advocated non-violence and a united India. Opposed the Partition of India. During this period, Muslim riots emerged as an important and regular feature of political life and a vital tool, creating tremendous fear of civil war among the freedom movement leaders. Serial episodes of Muslim violence were used by different political groups for mobilisation and pressure. Prominent Muslim leaders who advocated an undivided India, Swami Shraddhanand's associates and Congress leader Hakim Ajmal Khan’s colleagues, or in the broader context, leaders like Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan faced threats, and in some cases other public figures who took a firm stand for unity were targeted during riot situations. Assessment: This period shows the clearest example of Muslims fighting for a Muslim cause like the Khilafat, which had nothing to do with India per se. Only a handful of them sided with the national movement. Part 5: 1937–1947 – Split and Two Directions After the provincial elections of 1937, Muslim politics moved in two directions. 1. Congress Muslims: Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan remained in the Indian National Congress. Azad served as Congress President in 1940 and 1946. All were jailed during the Quit India Movement of 1942. They opposed the Partition and argued for composite nationalism. 2. All-India Muslim League: After the Lahore Resolution of 1940, the League under Muhammad Ali Jinnah demanded Pakistan. The League did not participate in the Quit India Movement and instead expanded its organisation. The League’s demand culminated in the creation of Pakistan on 14th August 1947. The Dominion of divided India came into being on 15th August 1947. Thus, the demand for a separate Muslim state was realised a day before the transfer of power to a divided India, though Congress was founded 21 years earlier than the Muslim League. Revolutionary and Military Track: Indian National Army 1943–1945: Many soldiers of the Subhash Chandra Bose-led Azad Hind Fauj were Muslims. Colonel Shah Nawaz Khan was a prominent officer tried by the British in the Red Fort Trials of 1945. They fought under the slogan "Jai Hind" for a free India. Assessment: By 1940, the Muslim community was politically divided. One section continued to work within the Congress for a united India, while another section backed a separate Muslim nation and Muslim soldiers fought against the Colonial Invaders as part of Azad Hind Fauj. A Critical List – Muslims with Documented Anti-British Action for United India Based on jail records, organisational membership, and stated opposition to Partition, these figures fit the criteria of fighting for undivided India: Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan Khudai Khidmatgar 30+ years in jail non-violent resistance Opposed partition of India Ashfaqulla Khan Hindustan Socialist Republican Association Revolutionary Kakori Event, executed 1927 Died before 1947 Maulvi Barakatullah Bhopali Ghadar Party Armed struggle Provisional Govt 1915 Died before 1947 Shah Nawaz Khan Indian National Army Colonel Fought British in Burma, Red Fort Trial 1945, later joined Congress Badruddin Tyabji Indian National Congress President 1887 Constitutional struggle Died before 1947 Rafi Ahmad Kidwai Indian National Congress Leader, Multiple jail terms, Quit India, Opposed partition Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Indian National Congress President, 10 years in jail, Opposed Partition Both Kidwai and Azad had a track record in the struggle, but in later life both a debatable record in Congress Rule in Independent India. And Aligarh Muslim University later turned out to be a den of Jihadi elements. The same applies to the founders of Jamia Millia Islamia. Besides some unnamed Muslim workers, peasants, students, and soldiers also participated in the Indian National Congress, Khudai Khidmatgar, and the Indian National Army. Conclusion Muslim participation in the anti-British struggle occurred in four distinct phases. 1. 1757–1857: Primarily wars of Muslim rulers to protect their occupied states. 2. 1857: A widespread revolt to end Company rule, with restorationist aims. 3. 1919–1937: The period of maximum rioting and divisive politics. 4. 1937–1947: Divisive politics intensified. Rise of the Muslim League. A political split between those handful of Muslims who sought a united India and Muslim masses who sought Pakistan, but many of them chose to stay back in India, and many of them opted to support Pakistan from within India. The All-India Muslim League, formed 21 years after the Indian National Congress, eventually pursued the goal of a separate Muslim state and achieved Pakistan on 14th August 1947, a day before India attained independence on 15th August 1947. At the same time, a section of Muslim leaders, soldiers, and common people spent decades in jail and on battlefields for an independent and united India. The history of this period has many lessons for India and Hindus (including Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists) and Parsis. And the history of the failure of Pakistan and its defeat at the hands of India has many lessons for the Muslims of the Subcontinent.

Aug 20, 2026
YagnaSri

The Fragmentation of the Left and Centre: Anti-Congress Coalitions and the Socialist Factions in UP Part 7

The political landscape of Uttar Pradesh in the three decades following independence was never simply a Congress-versus-everyone-else binary. Between the Congress's dominant centre and the Jana Sangh's nationalist opposition lay a complex and shifting universe of socialist parties, regional movements, peasant organisations, and caste-based formations that collectively constituted the anti-Congress centre-left. Their history of genuine ideological commitment, tactical improvisation, and ultimately fatal internal contradictions is essential to understanding how UP's politics evolved from the Congress-dominant system of the 1950s to the fragmented multiparty competition of the 1990s and beyond. The Socialist Tradition: Lohia, Ram Manohar, and the UP Connection The socialist movement in India had deep roots in UP. Ram Manohar Lohia, the most original and combative of India's socialist thinkers, was closely associated with the state, born in Faizabad (now Ayodhya), educated partly at Banaras Hindu University, and politically active across the Hindi belt. Lohia's particular contribution to Indian socialist thought was his insistence that caste was central to any serious project of social transformation. Unlike the mainstream left, which tended to treat caste as a superstructural phenomenon that would dissolve with economic development, Lohia argued that caste was the primary form of social oppression in India and that socialism without caste consciousness was an abstraction. Lohia's formula that an alliance of the lower OBC castes, Scheduled Castes, women, and the poor could break the Congress's hold on power was theoretically compelling and practically far ahead of its time. In the 1967 elections, his Samyukta Socialist Party participated in the Samyukta Vidhayak Dal (SVD) governments in UP and several other states, demonstrating that anti-Congress coalitions could actually win and govern. But the SVD governments were notoriously unstable, victims of the very contradictions among castes, egos, and ideological traditions that Lohia's analysis had identified but not resolved. Lohia's death in 1967, at age 57, removed the one figure who combined intellectual authority with personal charisma strong enough to hold the socialist movement together. In his absence, the movement fragmented into competing factions: the Samyukta Socialist Party, the Praja Socialist Party, the Socialist Party of India, and various splinter groups, each claiming his ideological legacy while pursuing its own organisational interests. This fragmentation was not merely a political misfortune; it was a structural feature of a movement that had never fully resolved the tension between its commitment to caste-based mobilisation and its aspiration to a class-based politics. Charan Singh and the Peasant Politics of the Hindi Belt The most successful practitioner of anti-Congress politics in UP in the 1960s and 1970s was Charan Singh, a figure whose significance in the political history of northern India is difficult to overstate. Born into a peasant Jat family in western UP, Charan Singh spent his entire career opposing what he saw as the Congress's urban, upper-caste, and industrialist bias. His advocacy for the peasantry for fair agricultural prices, for opposition to land ceilings that he believed would undermine peasant farming, and for the interests of the middle peasant castes that formed the backbone of UP's rural society gave him a mass base that the Jana Sangh, with its primarily urban constituency, could not match. Charan Singh's political journey took him from the Congress, which he served as Chief Minister of UP in 1967-68 and briefly again in 1970, to the Bharatiya Kranti Dal (BKD), and eventually to the Janata Party and then the Lok Dal. His willingness to repeatedly break with his party organisation rather than compromise his positions on agricultural policy reflected both his personal integrity and the genuine ideological distinctiveness of the peasant politics he represented. The tension between Charan Singh's peasant nationalism and the Jana Sangh's cultural nationalism defined UP politics in the late 1970s and 1980s. Both were anti-Congress and rooted in the values and concerns of UP's Hindi-speaking majority, but their social bases and policy priorities differed significantly. The Jat and OBC peasant communities that formed Charan Singh's core constituency had complex relationships with the upper-caste trading communities that were the Jana Sangh's primary social base. Finding a formula that could align these constituencies would be the central challenge of anti-Congress coalition politics for the next two decades. The Janata Experiment: Triumph and Collapse The Janata Party government of 1977-1979, which brought together the Jana Sangh, Charan Singh's Lok Dal, the Congress (O), the Socialist parties, and Jagjivan Ram's Congress for Democracy, represented the most ambitious attempt to unite the anti-Congress forces under a single organisational roof. In UP, the Janata government under Ram Naresh Yadav (1977-1978) and then Banarsi Das (1978-1979) demonstrated both the possibilities and the limitations of this coalition. The Janata government in UP, like its central counterpart, was consumed by internal contradictions almost from the beginning. The principal fault line was between the Jana Sangh component, which retained its RSS connection and its cultural nationalist agenda, and the socialist and secular components, which saw the RSS as an authoritarian organisation incompatible with democratic pluralism. The 'dual membership' controversy the demand that Jana Sangh members choose between the Janata Party and the RSS ultimately tore the coalition apart nationally, though in UP the fractures had been visible long before that. The collapse of the Janata government nationally in 1979, precipitated by Charan Singh's withdrawal of support and his subsequent installation as Prime Minister in a government that lasted only months without facing Parliament, was both a political tragedy and an instructive lesson. It demonstrated that anti-Congress unity, however electorally powerful, could not be sustained without ideological coherence and organisational discipline. The constituent elements of the Janata coalition had united against a common enemy but had not resolved their fundamental differences over what they stood for. The BJP's Birth and the Socialist Reckoning The Jana Sangh's decision to reconstitute itself as the Bharatiya Janata Party in 1980, following the collapse of the Janata experiment, represented a considered strategic choice. The party chose not to continue the coalition enterprise but to build its own independent organisational identity, one that acknowledged the lessons of the Janata period while returning to the ideological foundations that had distinguished the Jana Sangh from its coalition partners. For the socialist and centre-left parties in UP, the 1980s were a period of continued fragmentation and diminishing political returns. The inability to agree on a common programme, the personal rivalries between leaders, and the capture of caste-based parties by particular jati networks all contributed to a progressive loss of electoral relevance. The Lohiaite dream of a unified lower-caste and peasant coalition remained unfulfilled because the various socialist parties competed for the same vote banks rather than cooperating to build a broader coalition. This socialist fragmentation had a paradoxical consequence for UP politics: it created the political space in which caste-based regional parties, the SP and the BSP, would eventually emerge as dominant forces by mobilising specific caste communities more effectively than the class-based socialist parties had managed. In this sense, the failure of socialist politics in UP was not a failure of its social analysis but of its organisational capacity: Lohia had correctly identified the caste question as central; his successors could not translate that insight into organisational form. The Legacy: Coalition Politics and Its Contradictions The history of anti-Congress coalition politics in UP between 1967 and 1989 offers several enduring lessons. First, negative unity opposition to a common enemy is insufficient to sustain a governing coalition; positive agreements on policy priorities and power-sharing arrangements are essential. Second, the tension between caste-based and ideologically-based mobilisation is structural rather than contingent: it cannot be wished away by rhetorical appeals to unity. Still, it must be addressed through patient organisational work and genuine programmatic compromise. Third, and perhaps most importantly, the opposition's fragmentation was not merely a political failure but a governance failure; it allowed the Congress and its successors to govern UP without effective accountability for decades, with catastrophic consequences for the state's development. The BJP's eventual success in UP owed much to these lessons. Under Amit Shah's organisational leadership and Narendra Modi's ideological coherence, the party transcended the traditional limits of Hindu nationalist politics by building a genuinely broad social coalition—including non-Yadav OBCs and non-Jatav Dalits that the Jana Sangh's predominantly upper-caste base had never achieved. This achievement was built on the failures and partial successes of a generation of anti-Congress coalition-building in the Hindi heartland. The Crucible of Resistance: Emergency, Tyranny, and the Heroic Fightback from UP Part 6 https://myind.net/Home/viewArticle/the-crucible-of-resistance-emergency-tyranny-and-the-heroic-fightback-from-up-part-6

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Muslims and the Struggle Against British Colonial Rule in India: 1757–1947

The Fragmentation of the Left and Centre: Anti-Congress Coalitions and the Socialist Factions in UP Part 7

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