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Feb 05, 2026
Harsh Sinha & Dr. A. Adityanjee

Engines of Ambition: Lessons from ISRO for India’s Marine and Airpower

Introduction In the history of this planet, no country has ever become a superpower without having a blue-water navy. China’s PLAN corrected the historical mistake committed by China’s Hongxi emperor (Zhu Gaozhi) in the 15th century when China’s navy under eunuch Admiral Zheng He was essentially disbanded. Now, PLAN aggressively works towards achieving the unique status of TSN, a Thousand Ships’ Navy. In 2009, China undertook historic naval reforms, converting all its seafaring vessels into dual-use naval platforms. A country that never had an aircraft carrier now boasts three operational carriers and is building a fourth, which will soon become operational. China has plans to acquire a total of nine aircraft carriers by 2035, aiming to significantly expand its blue-water navy capabilities for sustained operations in the Pacific and South China Sea and more for power projection. How is it that India, a developing nation barely free of colonial shackles in the mid-20th century, managed to build one of the world's most complex cryogenic rocket engines but still depends on imports for its marine and jet engines? The paradox is striking. On one hand stands the CE-20 cryogenic engine developed by the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), powering the LVM3 upper stage [1][2]. On the other hand, lies our enduring dependence on foreign propulsion systems for ships, aircraft and submarines. Clearly, ISRO did something fundamentally correct that other parts of India's engineering ecosystem did not. A Cryogenic Triumph Amid Sanctions The story of India's cryogenic engine began in 1994, in the shadow of sanctions imposed by the United States. When the US blocked the Indo-Russian cryogenic technology transfer deal, India could have easily retreated. Under the visionary leadership within ISRO, India invested heavily in building the CE-20 engine from scratch [1][3]. It was a massive national effort integrating materials science, thermodynamics, electronics, and just sheer willpower. The result was a high-performance engine that operates on liquid hydrogen and oxygen to produce the thrust needed to place satellites in geostationary orbit [4]. There were serious attempts by unknown powers to sabotage this indigenous effort by framing space scientists in fraudulent cases. Former ISRO scientist Nambi Narayanan was falsely implicated in a 1994 espionage case, tortured, and arrested for allegedly selling space secrets. The Supreme Court declared him innocent in 2018, citing a conspiracy to damage India's space program, leading to a CBI probe into officials who framed him. But this success was not just a story of engineering. It was a triumph of institutional design, national pride, and visionary leadership. The Power of Perception: Space as a National Dream Space exploration became a symbol of national pride in the US and the former USSR during the Cold War years. Every rocket launch was treated by the superpowers as a declaration of intellectual supremacy. Amplified by powerful public relations campaigns, this "craze for space" seeped into the global consciousness. [5] In the US, NASA became a unique American brand: a cultural icon symbolising human aspiration. Films, textbooks, museums, and even children's toys glorified astronauts and scientists. Space became a metaphor for excellence and intellect. Hence, generations of young minds aspired to work in aerospace rather than ship-engineering or mechanical design. To engage the public more intensively, NASA started to recruit civilians into the space program. Christa McAuliffe, a high school teacher, was selected as the first participant in NASA’s "Teacher in Space Project". She died alongside six crew members on January 28, 1986, when the Space Shuttle Challenger exploded 73 seconds into its flight. Similarly, in the former USSR, young pioneers were encouraged to undertake space science as careers to serve the Soviet Union. Later, both China and India both followed that trend. Space, not the sea, became the romantic frontier. For the government of India and the public alike, "to dream big" came to mean "to dream of space". The invisible maritime domain, so vital for trade, defence and national power, was never able to capture the emotional imagination. The Budgetary Truth: Priorities Speak in Rupees It is also an institutional difference. Since Independence, India has neglected adequate budgetary allocations for its strategic options. However, for the last two decades, the government of the day has steadily financed space research as a committed mission. From the early days of INCOSPAR under Vikram Sarabhai to today's lunar and solar missions, the Department of Space has enjoyed significant budgetary support and autonomy despite political noise from certain motivated and ideological quarters. The maritime sector, on the other hand, was treated as a sub-branch of transport: for decades, India did not even have a separate Ministry of Shipping; it was part of the Ministry of Transport, where Railways dominated in both funds and political attention. When road transport became politically visible and electorally valuable, it too rose in prominence, leaving shipping to play the role of Cinderella. The attitude of the policy-planners and politicians in the early years following independence was a carry-over of the mindset and policies of the historic Mughal rule who neglected the navy and maritime domain for centuries, strategically viewing India merely as a land power. Marathas under the leadership of Chatrapati Shivaji, in contrast, had focused on the development of naval forces and bases. History knows of the famous Admirals like Tulaji Angre and Kanhoji Angre. In an earlier era, the Chola kingdom was known for its seafaring blue-water navy that left its impressions as far as the Philippines. Under British-occupied India, private sector shipbuilding received a boost with the Wadia family building more than 400 ships, including warships for the British Royal Navy, albeit to augment the maritime strength of the colonial empire. It is only in recent years that policymakers have sought to correct this imbalance through initiatives such as the Sagarmala Program and the Maritime India Vision 2030 [6] [7]. But the lost decades have cost India its place in the global shipbuilding ecosystem. Democracy and the Politics of Visibility In a democracy, policy is driven by public opinion. Politicians need visible success stories- rockets roaring into the sky, not silent engines powering cargo ships. Rockets inspire awe, create television spectaculars, and symbolise national capability. Ships, by contrast, vanish over the horizon. Their success is not visible to the public. Thus, while rockets became instruments of pride, shipyards became bureaucratic concerns. Governments saw shipbuilding not as an engine of prosperity but as a problem of inefficiency, unions and subsidies. The Forgotten Workforce and Brain-Drain When India's shipyards did show potential in the 1970s and 1980s, local politics, unionism and red tape smothered the spark. Skilled technicians and engineers found better opportunities abroad. Today, Indian marine engineers are prized workers in Dubai, Singapore, South Korea and Europe, but rarely find fulfilling prospects here. This migration of talent is both a cause and consequence of India's neglected marine-engine ecosystem. Without adequate R&D funding, modern test facilities or competitive pay, the best minds in marine propulsion drift to other sectors or other shores. Kaveri and the Cost of Neglect India’s Kaveri engine project, perhaps, is the most telling example of what went wrong outside ISRO. The establishment took a laissez-faire attitude. Initiated in the 1980s, it remains incomplete after over three decades and billions of rupees in expenditure [8]. Though ISRO mastered the physics of cryogenics, the Gas Turbine Research Establishment struggled to bridge the gap between theoretical research and industrial-scale production. Somewhere in between, domestic corruption encouraged imports as commissions were paid and bribes demanded. We are still struggling to import jet engines, giving leverage to foreign powers that deliberately delay the supply of engines in a timely manner, causing serious delays in domestic fighter jet production targets. Everyone knows the story of delays in imports of GE 404 and GE 414 engines. Meanwhile, India’s ship-building ecosystem remains dependent on imported marine propulsion systems for naval as well as commercial watercraft today [7]. The ship-building industry focuses on hulls and assembly, not on the “heart” of the ship, which is the engine. This imbalance must change. Why ISRO Succeeded Where Others Stumbled ISRO's success is not an accident but a blueprint. Its lessons for India's shipyards and skies are clear: The visionary leadership of ISRO, from Sarabhai to Sivan, has combined scientific expertise with institution-building skills despite attempts to sabotage by foreign adversaries, ideological critiques and scarce funding. National Pride as Motivation. ISRO harnessed the emotional pull of national pride: “India can do it.” National pride has given a strong purpose to our space scientists despite some recent failures. Marine engineering has yet to evoke such sentiment. Dedicated Institutional Ecosystem: Now, ISRO has complete autonomy, advanced coordination with academia, and in-house testing facilities. Ship-building R&D remains scattered among PSUs, DRDO labs, and private entities. Global Benchmarking. ISRO benchmarked itself against NASA and Roscosmos. Indian shipyards were benchmarked against each other or against cost constraints. Stable Funding: Yearly budgetary allocations and long-term project continuity have helped ISRO plan decades, though it does not match the level of funding by superpowers for their space programs. Marine and jet-engine programs saw their futures being constantly reset with leadership changes. The Way Forward: Building Our Own Ocean of Innovation Essentially, India's vision of Atmanirbhar Bharat should be expanded from space and defence to indigenous marine and aero-engine ecosystems. As much as in the orbits, the future of India's economic and strategic power lies in the oceans. For this purpose, we need: A focused Marine Propulsion Mission, along the lines of ISRO’s organisation. Integration of academic, defence, and private R&D under one national vision. What we need is civil-military fusion leading to the development of an integrated ecosystem. A dedicated Mission like the National Quantum Mission, National Hydrogen Mission, etc., for Marine Engines Public campaigns through the use of departments (like the Central Bureau of Communication or Doordarshan under the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting OR MyGov.in) to make maritime technology a national aspiration, not an invisible profession. If India could build the CE-20 engine from scratch after sanctions, it could build a marine engine that could power its navy and merchant fleet. The oceans await their Sarabhai moment and their ISRO. Therefore, we propose the creation of a new nodal agency: Indian Maritime Research and Development Organisation (IMRDO) on the pattern of ISRO, to lead India into maritime greatness! India cannot achieve superpower status without complete maritime dominance over the Indo-Pacific region. The time to act is now, before it is too late. References [1] ISRO (2025). “Flight Acceptance Hot Test of CE-20 Cryogenic Engine Successful for LVM3-M6 Mission.” [2] IAF (2016). “Development Status of CE-20 Cryogenic Engine for GSLV LVM3 Vehicle.” [3] Cryogenics Society (2023). “Explained: Why ISRO Again Test-Fired Its CE-20 Cryogenic Engine Ahead of Next Flight.” [4] Jagran Josh (2025). “How ISRO’s CE-20 Cryogenic Engine is Important for the Gaganyaan Space Mission.” [5] Observer Research Foundation (2024). “The Missing Heartbeat: Why Atmanirbharta in India’s Ship-building Requires Indigenous Marine Engines.” [6] India Foundation (2025). “India’s Maritime Renaissance: Indigenising Marine Engines for Atmanirbhar Vision,” by Harsh Sinha & Ashutosh Kashyap [7] Indian Express (2025). “On Marine Engine Production, India Must Set Sail on Its Own.” [8] Business Today (2025). “Not Just Kaveri: Sanjeev Sanyal Says India Must Build Marine Engines to Truly Steer Its Own Course.” [9] Times of India (2025). “Shipbuilding Vision 2037 Outlines Reforms for Maritime Sector.”

Feb 01, 2026
Digital Nomad

From Box Office to the Ballot Box: Decoding Vijay’s Disruptive Entry into the Dravidian Binary

The lead-up to the 2026 Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly election is witnessing a high-octane transformation as the state shifts from its traditional bipolar contest between the DMK and AIADMK toward a more complex, multi-polar landscape. Central to this shift is the "big bang" entry of actor Vijay and his party, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), which initially triggered a massive wave of hype through strategic state-wide tours. In September 2025, Vijay embarked on his maiden political campaign from Trichy, a city traditionally chosen by political icons like C.N. Annadurai and M.G. Ramachandran to launch their electoral journeys. Thousands of supporters thronged the streets, bringing traffic to a standstill as his custom-built campaign vehicle crawled through the city, projecting him as a principal challenger to the Dravidian status quo. This momentum continued with major conferences in Vikravandi and Madurai, where packed crowds of youth and first-time voters seemingly validated his position as a serious third pole. However, this period of intense enthusiasm soon met a sobering reality. The tragedy in Karur, where a stampede during a Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam outreach program claimed forty-one lives and left more than sixty injured, has significantly altered the political landscape for Vijay and perhaps even Tamil Nadu. Critics and political opponents have seized upon the event to place him in the dock, citing a lack of administrative oversight and poor crowd management. While the state government initiated a judicial inquiry, the Supreme Court ordered a Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) probe, which has seen Vijay interrogated for six hours across multiple rounds in early 2026. Officials have questioned him on his decision-making regarding the rally, the reasons for his seven-hour delay, and his knowledge of the ongoing chaos during the event. The narrative being built by the Dravidian majors is that of an amateur leader who is out of his depth. However, this clinical focus on a single tragedy overlooks the broader structural resilience that Vijay has demonstrated throughout his career. Beyond the administrative failure in Karur, there is a growing perception that Vijay lacks the groundedness required for the rough and tumble of Tamil politics. His detached leadership style, characterised by a refusal to engage frequently with the media and a preference for communicating through controlled social media posts, has been widely criticised. Critics point to his use of private jets for campaign travel and the heavy presence of bouncers as evidence of a leader who is physically and emotionally isolated from the common citizen. This perceived elitism, combined with his decision to flee the scene in Karur without addressing the public or the press, has led many to question whether he can ever transition from a celluloid superstar to a leader of the masses. The prevailing consensus among the intelligentsia and a/c room pundits in Chennai is that Vijay is merely a vote-cutter, a transient phenomenon destined to meet the same fate as Sivaji Ganesan or Kamal Haasan. They point to his choice of less experienced advisors as evidence of a perceived lack of ideological or organisational depth. This scepticism has deepened with his recent weakness in handling the release delay of his final film Jananayagan, which has been stalled by the Central Board of Film Certification over alleged objections to religious harmony. Despite his attractive power-sharing offer intended to disrupt existing blocs, his inability to attract any major secular parties to form an alliance has been seen as a significant political failure. Both the Congress and Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) have remained cautious, viewing his overtures as old goods or mere film shooting, leaving his party TVK increasingly isolated in a solo run. To understand why this is a flawed premise, one must first examine the sheer tenacity of his ascent in the film industry. Vijay did not become a superstar overnight; his career is a masterclass in the long game. Starting as a child artist in the early eighties, he transitioned to lead roles in the nineties to a chorus of derision regarding his appearance and acting ability. During this survival phase, he did not have the luxury of being choosy; he hung in there by doing odd roles and soft romantic dramas, at times appearing in content that bordered on the B-grade aesthetic of that era. He persisted through this gruelling decade, slowly pivoting from a soft romantic hero to an action mass star, outmanoeuvring contemporaries who perhaps had more raw talent but less grit. He is a lambi race ka ghoda who has already proven he can withstand decades of mockery to emerge as the highest paid star in the state. Transitioning from this personal history to the electoral reality, we must look at the cold arithmetic of the 2021 results. The DMK led the pack with roughly thirty-eight per cent, while the AIADMK secured around thirty-three per cent. The gap is narrow, and the vacuum left by the collapse of a singular towering opposition leader is palpable. While the pundits calculate seat shares based on existing caste blocks, they miss the underlying chemistry of his political entry. Vijay understands that in politics, as in cinema, you start humbly, you make rookie mistakes, and you endure the labels of being soft until the organisational work behind the scenes begins to reflect at the booth level. His foray into politics follows a distinct SWOT profile. His strength lies in a massive, disciplined fan base that has been groomed for over a decade through his Makkal Iyakkam. His weakness is a lack of political administrative experience, which the Karur tragedy has painfully exposed. However, his opportunity is the significant chunk of neutral voters and disillusioned youth looking for a home, a demographic that is increasingly bored of the DMK AIADMK binary. His threat is the established machinery of the Dravidian majors, who will continue to use legal and political levers to stymie his growth. Like MGR, who was often dismissed by the elite as a mere entertainer, Vijay understands that in Tamil Nadu, the path to the fort is paved with emotional resonance and persistence. He will be ridiculed for his silence and his perceived lack of aggression, but as history shows, those who underestimate the underdog often find themselves outmanoeuvred. The strategic verdict is clear: Vijay is not here to play a cameo. To replicate the MGR magic, he does not need to win a majority in his first outing. He only needs to breach the fifteen per cent threshold to become the kingmaker or the primary challenger in a state tired of the old guard. The Karur incident and the Jananayagan delay may have put him in the dock for now, but those who write him off are ignoring the very tenacity that defined his rise. He will learn, he will adapt, and eventually, he will prevail.

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