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Jul 20, 2026
Bidhayak Das Purkayastha

The Language of Truth: Beyond Numbers

A census is often mistaken for an exercise in counting people. In reality, it is an exercise in understanding a nation. Every decade, the Indian Census asks millions of citizens a series of seemingly ordinary questions: How old are you? What is your religion? Where do you live? What do you do? What is your mother tongue? These are not merely administrative enquiries. Together, they construct the demographic, social and cultural portrait of the Republic. Every answer contributes to the story of a nation—its people, its diversity, its aspirations and its shared future. A census is therefore far more than a collection of statistics. It is one of the most authoritative records of a country's social reality. Economists use it to measure development; sociologists to study social change; historians to trace demographic evolution; linguists to understand the growth, decline and survival of languages. Governments depend upon it to formulate policies on education, healthcare, infrastructure, employment, welfare, language and political representation. Behind every statistic stands a human life. Behind every number lies a public policy that will shape the future. After the disruption caused by the COVID-19 pandemic postponed the 2021 Census, India's next Census—scheduled for 2027, with preparatory work beginning in 2026—has assumed exceptional significance. It will be independent India's eighth Census and the country's first fully digital enumeration, marking a major transformation in the way information is collected, verified and preserved. Yet the true strength of a census does not lie in technology. It lies in trust. That trust rests upon the Constitution of India and the Census Act, 1948, which obliges citizens to provide truthful information and requires census officials to record it faithfully and confidentially. A census neither validates nor questions identity. It simply documents what citizens declare. It neither creates truth nor alters it; it records it. Within this framework, one question acquires extraordinary significance: "What is your mother tongue?" Across much of India, the answer comes effortlessly. In Assam, however, that single question has carried a weight far greater than linguistics. Over the decades, it has become intertwined with history, politics, citizenship, social acceptance and the complex search for belonging. For many in the Brahmaputra Valley—particularly sections of the Bengali-speaking Muslim community, and to a lesser extent, sections of the Bengali-speaking Hindu community—the "mother tongue" column in the Census has never been a mere linguistic declaration. It has reflected generations of difficult choices, inherited anxieties, aspirations for acceptance and evolving understandings of identity. Before entering that discussion, however, one fundamental point deserves clarity. The Census definition of mother tongue is remarkably simple. It is the language a person learned from his or her mother during childhood. If the mother died in infancy, it is the language predominantly spoken within the family during the child's earliest years. A mother tongue is not the language of administration, education or employment. Nor is it necessarily the language one speaks with the greatest fluency. It is certainly not a declaration of political loyalty or regional allegiance. It is the first language of life. Another misconception also deserves correction. Citizens are not required to choose only from the twenty-two languages recognised in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution. A person may declare any language or dialect as a mother tongue. The responsibility of the census enumerator is simply to record that declaration accurately. The Census neither creates languages nor changes them. It merely transforms lived reality into an official record. A person may learn many languages during the course of life. One may study in Assamese, pursue higher education in English, conduct business in Hindi and communicate in several other languages. Yet every individual has only one mother tongue. It is the language through which one first encountered the world—the language of lullabies, affection, fear, joy and grief. It is the language in which memory first found expression and emotions first acquired meaning. A mother tongue is not merely a linguistic attribute. It is the earliest expression of cultural identity. One may acquire many languages and excel in each of them. Every new language expands one's world. None, however, can replace the language first heard from a mother's lips—the language that shaped one's earliest consciousness and first gave voice to thought. This simple yet profound truth lies at the centre of the renewed debate surrounding Assam's forthcoming Census. For the question is no longer merely what language one speaks. It is whether the State's most important demographic record should reflect social convenience—or historical truth. When Language Became a Strategy for Survival To understand the present debate, one must first understand Assam's past. A fundamental historical reality is often overlooked: Assam has never been a monolingual society. Its history has been shaped by the interaction of diverse peoples, languages and cultures. Assamese, Bengali, Bodo, Karbi, Mishing, Dimasa, Rabha, Tiwa, Deori, Nepali and numerous other communities have collectively contributed to the making of modern Assam. Diversity has not been Assam's weakness; it has been one of its enduring strengths. Yet, as in many plural societies, historical events transformed linguistic identities into political questions. One such turning point came during British rule. In 1836, the colonial administration replaced Assamese with Bengali as the language of administration and education. This was a decision of the British state; it reflected neither the aspirations of Assamese society nor the wishes of ordinary Bengali-speaking people. History, however, often leaves behind memories that outlive the events that created them. Although Assamese rightfully regained official recognition in 1873, the legacy of that colonial policy continued to influence public perceptions for generations. Language, which should have remained a cultural bond, increasingly became entangled with questions of power, identity and belonging. The second and more decisive turning point came in 1947. Partition altered borders, but it could not instantly alter memories, languages or inherited identities. The creation of East Pakistan transformed the political geography of the region, while migration, land, citizenship and demographic anxieties gradually entered public discourse. Over time, language became intertwined with difficult questions: Who belongs? Who is indigenous? Who is an outsider? It was in this atmosphere that independent India's first Census was conducted in 1951. Viewed from a historical distance, the 1951 Census was far more than an administrative exercise. For many families, it became a moment of profound introspection and difficult choice. Several historians, linguists and social observers have noted that a significant section of the Bengali-speaking Muslim population in the Brahmaputra Valley—and, in some areas, sections of the Bengali-speaking Hindu community as well—reported Assamese rather than Bengali as their mother tongue, even though Bengali or its regional variants continued to be spoken within their homes. Why did they make that choice? The answer lies less in ideology than in circumstance. The years following Independence were marked by uncertainty. Partition had left behind deep social and psychological scars. In such an environment, many came to believe that linguistic assimilation into the broader Assamese society might provide security, dignity and social acceptance. Many scholars have described this process as a strategy of survival—or, more precisely, survival through assimilation. It was not necessarily a rejection of Bengali. Nor was it hostility towards Assamese. It was, above all, an expression of hope. A hope that future generations would be accepted simply as sons and daughters of Assam. A hope that labels such as outsider, foreigner or illegal immigrant would gradually lose relevance. A hope that social integration would replace inherited suspicion. Many families consciously reorganised their lives in pursuit of that goal. Children were educated in Assamese-medium schools. Assamese became the language of education, public life and administration. Families participated in Assamese literature, culture and social institutions with sincerity and commitment. Subsequent generations often grew up speaking Assamese fluently and contributed significantly to the state's intellectual and cultural life. Yet another reality quietly endured. Inside countless homes, Bengali survived—not as a political statement, but as the language of grandparents, family memories and intimate conversations. History, however, does not always reward accommodation in the manner people expect. The Assam Movement, prolonged debates over migration and citizenship, the NRC process and recurring political rhetoric repeatedly reopened questions of identity and belonging. As a result, many families have begun revisiting decisions taken by earlier generations. Their questions are difficult, but real. Did linguistic assimilation provide the acceptance that had once been hoped for? Did identifying Assamese as a mother tongue permanently remove suspicions of being an outsider? Did sacrificing one dimension of inherited identity ensure lasting social recognition? Or did uncertainty continue despite decades of participation, contribution and accommodation? There are no simple answers. Experiences differ across families and regions. Yet one reality has become increasingly clear: questions that once remained confined to private conversations are now entering the public sphere. That is why the forthcoming Census carries a significance far beyond statistics. Statistics, Truth and the Future of Identity The introspection unfolding today among sections of the Bengali-speaking Muslim community in the Brahmaputra Valley is often misunderstood. At its heart, it is neither a movement against the Assamese language nor an attempt to undermine Assam's cultural identity. Its central concern is far simpler. It is about ensuring that the Census reflects personal truth. The argument rests on a principle that is both legally and morally unambiguous: a mother tongue cannot be changed. A person may change the language of education, administration, profession or public life. One may become fluent in several languages and embrace multiple cultural traditions. Yet the language first learned in childhood—the language of one's earliest memories—remains one's mother tongue. Recognising that truth neither diminishes one's commitment to Assam nor weakens one's identity as an Indian citizen. It merely acknowledges the permanence of one's origins. This explains why many families are now reassessing decisions made by earlier generations. If the Census itself defines mother tongue as the language first learned from one's mother, should social pressures or political calculations determine what is entered in that column? The answer ultimately belongs to each citizen. One fact, however, deserves emphasis. The Census does not determine citizenship. It does not confer constitutional rights. It does not measure patriotism. Declaring one's mother tongue as Bengali or Assamese neither makes a person more Indian nor less Indian. A Census is not a test of loyalty; it is a scientific exercise intended to document reality. Its accuracy nevertheless, matters profoundly. Language statistics shape educational planning, teacher recruitment, textbook production, linguistic research, cultural institutions and the preservation of minority languages. Public policy can only be as reliable as the information upon which it is built. If official data fails to reflect social reality, public policy risks doing the same. If a significant number of citizens who previously reported Assamese as their mother tongue now record Bengali in accordance with the Census definition, Assam's linguistic statistics may indeed change. Such a change, however, should not be misunderstood. It would not indicate a sudden demographic transformation. It would not prove fresh migration. Nor would it alter the historical composition of Assam's population. It would simply mean that some citizens have chosen to describe their mother tongue according to the legal definition prescribed by the Census itself. The statistics may change. History will not. A person may simultaneously be Indian by nationality, Assamese by regional belonging, Bengali by mother tongue, culturally integrated into Assamese society, professionally English-speaking and nationally connected through Hindi. These identities are not mutually exclusive. They coexist. They enrich one another. Modern Assam is the product of many peoples and many languages. Assamese, Bengali, Bodo, Karbi, Mishing, Dimasa, Rabha, Tiwa, Deori, Nepali and numerous other communities have together enriched its literature, education, agriculture, commerce, administration, music and culture. The forthcoming Census, therefore, is more than an administrative exercise. It is also a test of democratic confidence. Can citizens state their mother tongue without fear? Can the State record that declaration without prejudice? Can society respect linguistic identity as a matter of cultural inheritance rather than political suspicion? The answers to these questions will shape not merely the statistical profile of Assam, but the quality of its democratic future. Ultimately, a mother tongue is the invisible umbilical cord that binds a mother and her child from the very moment life begins in the womb. It can neither be relinquished nor replaced at will. Every individual bears a lifelong responsibility to preserve, protect and enrich their mother tongue to the very best of their ability. This truth applies equally to every language and to every other mother tongue spoken across India. In the end, a Census records only a single word. To write that word truthfully is not merely a legal obligation. It is an act of intellectual honesty. For truth builds reliable statistics. Reliable statistics shape just public policy. And just public policy strengthens an inclusive democracy. The Language of Truth, therefore, is not merely about language. It is about the courage to acknowledge who we are. For every nation is ultimately measured not only by the number of its people, but by the honesty with which it records them.

Jul 19, 2026
Mukul Asher

India’s Demographic Centre of Gravity is Aligned with Pursuing Viksit Bharat Goals

Alignment of India’s demographic centre of gravity, located in the Ganga River Valley (GRV), with state governments whose governance philosophy and economic development vision are coordinated with those of the government at the centre led by PM Modi, augurs well for India’s goal of becoming a Viksit Bharat by 2047, 100 years after independence in 1947. India’s demographic centre of gravity is in the Ganga River Valley. River Ganga originates as the Bhagirathi River from the Gangotri Glacier at Gaumukh in Uttarakhand at an elevation of 3,892 metres. After merging with the Alaknanda River at Devprayag, the stream is officially named Ganga. Flowing for nearly 2,525 km, the Ganga passes through the states of Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, and West Bengal, before entering the Bay of Bengal. It forms the world’s largest delta, the Sundarbans, along with the Brahmaputra River. Major tributaries of the Ganga include Yamuna, Ghaghara, Gandaki, Kosi and Son, which significantly contribute to the Ganga River, playing a vital role in irrigation, drinking water, and impact on cultural lives of the people. The Ganga River valley forms one of the world’s most densely populated basins, accounting for 26.4 per cent of India’s geographical area and supporting nearly 50 per cent of India’s population of about 1450 million. Figure 1: Population Density of India Along the Ganga River Valley The very high continuous density of India’s population is clearly observable from Figure 1. In the rest of India, Ahmedabad, Surat, Mumbai, Bengaluru, Chennai, and Visakhapatnam are other areas, almost all in coastal areas, that exhibit high population density. Globally, coastal cities have been prominent contributors to agglomeration economies, density and complexity of economic and cultural activities, international trade and investments, and to technical innovations. India’s Sagarmala program, designed to accelerate port-led development, aims to utilise India’s coastline of about 11,099 kilometres, along with nearly 14,500 kilometres of potentially navigable waterways. Coastal regions are home to major ports that connect India with global shipping routes and facilitate the movement of goods and passengers. Around 95% of the country’s trade by volume and about 70% by value is handled through maritime routes 1. For enhanced effectiveness of Sagarmala, Bharatmala Pariyojana is also being implemented. It is a massive umbrella program designed to optimise the efficiency of freight and passenger movement. It focuses on constructing economic corridors, coastal and port connectivity roads, and greenfield expressways 2. Along with the coastal development, and Bharat Pariyojna, and rail and air connectivity initiatives being undertaken, if the states along the Ganga River Valley align their policies to significantly raise their currently low per capita income, particularly in Uttar Pradesh (population 241 million), Bihar (130 million ), West Bengal ( 100 million) and Odisha ( 49 million ), a combined population of 520 million, 35 percent of India’s population, that would augur well for India achieving its Viksit Bhart goals by 2047. Five indicators, not often emphasised, of the progress of the Indian policies so far, may be briefly mentioned. The first is the declining logistics costs, India’s logistics costs have declined substantially from approximately 16 per cent of GDP in earlier years to current estimates of around 8-10 per cent of GDP, depending on measurement methodology. This improvement reflects ongoing infrastructure development, policy reforms, and technological adoption across the logistics sector 3. Second, the time taken to voluntarily close a company has declined sharply from nearly 500 days in 2020-21 to just 60 in 2024-25 (Figure 2), facilitating a shift towards more productive use of factors of production. Figure 2: Time Taken in India to Voluntarily Close a Company Third, as Figure 3 indicates, between 2014 and 2024, India has made impressive progress in electrification throughout the country. Figure 3: Impressive Progress in Electrification throughout India Between 2014 and 2024 Fourth, in 2024, India became the fifth-largest manufacturer in the world, with output valued at USD 490 billion, equivalent to 2.91 per cent of the global output. It is now behind only China, the USA, Germany, and Japan. As India’s manufacturing sector grows rapidly, it can conservatively hope to significantly narrow the difference in the value of output with at least Germany and Japan 4. Fifth, in 2025-26, India’s total exports were USD 863 billion, with an ambitious target of USD 1000 billion in 2026-27. This will require merchandise exports to increase from USD 442 billion to USD 530 billion, and services exports from USD 421 billion to USD 470 billion. India is aiming to be among the top few trading nations in the world 5. Select Initiatives of States in the River Ganga Valley Examples of the progress by India noted above did not fully benefit from the alignment of population density along the Ganga River Valley and state governments along it, with alignment to the Central government. A brief overview of the recent initiatives of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, and Odisha, whose development policies are now aligned with those of the Central government, is presented below. Uttar Pradesh Uttar Pradesh has been led by Yogi Adityanath of the Bharatiya Janata Party, which is also the ruling party at the national level, since March 2017. Thus, its policies have been aligned with those of the national government for some time. Its per capita income in 2026-27, however, is still only 56 per cent of India’s total of USD 3073. If the state can raise the relative per capita income significantly in the coming years, as seems likely, its economic weight will improve further. Given its large population, the GDP of Uttar Pradesh in 2025-26 is officially estimated at INR 36 trillion (about USD 430 billion), accounting for about 9.0 per cent of India’s GDP. The state officially aspired to generate a GDP of USD one trillion in the medium term. If it grows at an average of 12 per cent in nominal GDP terms, it can achieve this inspiration in about a decade. Since becoming Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, the most impressive achievement of Yogi Adityanath has been to end the climate of fear, insecurity, and lawlessness that prevailed earlier. This has played a key role in improving household welfare and instilling confidence in the state. In addition to the above, there have been many initiatives by the state since 2017. Only select examples, particularly those that are future-oriented, are provided below. First, connectivity, critical for creating new growth nodes, is being substantially enhanced. Uttar Pradesh is positioning itself as India’s expressway hub with 22 expressways. It has the largest rail network in the country and plans to expand its aviation ecosystem to 24 airports, including five international ones. Uttar Pradesh is positioning itself as India’s expressway hub with 22 expressways, has the largest rail network in the country, and plans to expand its aviation ecosystem to 24 airports, including five international ones. Noida International Airport, Jewar, began operations in June 2026. It has an initial capacity of 12 million passengers and a final capacity of 70 million annual passengers. This will make it India’s largest airport and one of the largest airports in Asia. By the beginning of 2027, international flights will also be operating from Jewar. Second, urban management is being given due consideration. Specifics include the creation of a Lucknow State Capital Region and plans for 100 new townships to manage urban expansion. Varanasi is also being transformed through projects such as the ropeway, ring road, Kashi Multimodal Hub, and double-decker Ganga Bridge. Third, the first EXIM-grade container was produced in Uttar Pradesh. Maersk company has placed an order for 1000 made-in-India containers, a beginning for developing a new manufacturing sub-sector in India. Fourth, Uttar Pradesh has ambitious plans to become one of the aerospace and defence manufacturing centres in the country. BrahMos manufacturing and integration production location is in Lucknow. Fifth, Uttar Pradesh ranked fourth among the large states in the Export Preparedness Index (EPI). A creditable performance for a landlocked state 6. Sixth, Uttar Pradesh is aiming to transform its agriculture to improve yield and sustainability, with diversification as a key objective. One of the partners of the state is the World Bank. This partnership is designed to integrate digital platforms, finance, infrastructure, and private investment in the food sector. Uttar Pradesh is aiming to use direct-seeded rice to double yields while driving down water use, emissions and costs for farmers 7. Seventh, the start-up ecosystem of Uttar Pradesh is progressing well. One of the indications of this is that the listed market capitalisation of start-ups from Noida (USD 63 billion) exceeds that of Bengaluru (USD 46 billion), an impressive achievement in a relatively short time. (Figure 4). Finally, Uttar Pradesh leads in domestic tourism by a large margin. The Ministry of Tourism data indicate that in 2025, the number of domestic visitors attracted by Uttar Pradesh was nearly 650 million, and with 310 million tourists, Tamil Nadu is at a distant second. Figure 4: Listed Startup market Capitalisation: Gurugram and Bengaluru Bihar The current Chief Minister of Bihar is Samrat Choudhary. He assumed office on April 15, 2026, becoming the first Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader to hold the top post in the state. Thus, the alignment of Bihar with the national government is very recent. Bihar is among the poorest of the states, with per capita GDP in 2026-27 equivalent to 34 per cent of the Indian total. Among the initial initiatives of the Samrat Choudhary government is to create a greater sense of security and increase trust and confidence in state institutions. This is essential for Bihar’s faster development in both economic and non-economic areas. Bihar can play a significant role in enhancing the role of inland waterways in India. This is exemplified by four massive refinery columns originating in Dahej port, Gujarat, reaching Bihar via the Ganga River for delivery at the Barauni refinery, situated on the northern banks of the Ganges River Bihar’s plans to access the municipal bond market, a very much underutilised avenue for urban infrastructure, also hold promise. Thus, Patana Municipal Corporation plans to issue municipal bonds worth INR 20 billion for infrastructure. Bihar’s plans for accelerated infrastructure investment are in the early stages. The Patna metro has, however, become operational. The state expects to attract investments in textile, biotech and other sectors. Bihar’s young workforce, combined with the policy initiatives of the new government, is expected to attract labour-intensive sectors to the state. It will, however, be some years before the impact of this new alignment is reflected in economic data and in Bihar’s rankings. West Bengal The potential contribution West Bengal can make to India’s Viksit Bharat goals is indicated by the extent to which its rank in terms of per capita income among the Indian states has declined over the decades. It ranked third among the Indian states in 1960-61 but declined to twenty-fourth by 2023-24 (Figure 5). In 2026-27 (estimated), the per capita GDP of West Bengal was 75 per cent of India’s average. Figure 5 Since May 2026, when the state electorate entrusted the governance responsibilities to the Bharatiya Janata Party, led by Suvendu Adhikari, there have been encouraging signs of the revival of the West Bengal economy, though the massive challenges facing the government should not be underestimated. The biggest factor in optimism regarding the revival of West Bengal State is that the climate of fear and lawlessness that existed before May 2026 no longer exists, enabling enterprise and creativity to flourish, while greatly improving the business climate. It is reported that “there is growing optimism within policy circles that improved coordination between the Centre and the state, along with a more investment-friendly environment, could encourage greater industrial participation in Bengal. Large corporate groups and infrastructure companies, including organisations such as Larsen & Toubro, have reportedly shown renewed interest in investment opportunities in the state. If these proposals materialise, they could contribute significantly to industrial growth, job creation, and long-term economic development” 8. It is reported that West Bengal is undergoing a massive INR 70 billion infrastructure and economic overhaul, driven by a mix of central and state government initiatives. Key projects focus on connectivity, industrial corridors, aviation expansion, and port-led development to transform the region's economic landscape. The Projects include a bullet-train project from Delhi to Siliguri in the northern part of West Bengal, through Varanasi and Lucknow, a second Kolkata Airport, a deep-sea Port at Dadanpatrabar, AI & Data Centres and the extension of Kolkata's rapid transit systems, including battery-powered Water Metros. There are also plans to transform Kolkata’s historic trams into an integral part of the modern urban transit system. West Bengal’s traditional weaving clusters are reportedly finding a larger national market through e-commerce. Indeed, West Bengal has the potential to emerge as one of India’s important digital hubs. Another encouraging sign is that the Marwari community, long a key element of West Bengal’s economy but driven out by the previous government, is beginning to invest again in the state. This is exemplified by the inauguration of INR 150 billion (to be invested in phases) Mejia Shyam steel plant in July 2026 by a Marwari community business group 9. Odisha There is alignment between the Bharatiya Janata Party-led government of Mohan Charan Majhi. It is a mineral-rich state and in alignment with the central government. There are significant opportunities in the natural resource sector, including in the critical rare earth minerals. In 2026-27 (estimated), Odisha’s per capita GDP was 80 per cent of India’s average. Several major projects have been announced for Odisha. Examples include: Kansariguda Refinery (Rayagada district) project of the Aditya Birla Group. This is the core of the new USD 1.26 billion expansion, scaling alumina production to 3 million metric tons per annum. Adani Group and Abu Dhabi's International Holding Company (IHC) are building a USD 11.5 billion (INR 1.1 trillion) aluminium greenfield project. It is the largest foreign investment in India's metals sector and will generate over 53,500 jobs. The Odisha government has claimed good progress in becoming a textile hub, with good employment and export potential. It is reported by the state authorities that around 55 companies have signed MoUs in this sector, of which 33 have already acquired land, and nearly 10 are already operational. Roads and Highways projects include the construction of the Rs 8,300 crore Coastal Highway connecting Gopalpur to Digha, and a new 6-lane 111 km access-controlled bypass ring road around Bhubaneswar, Cuttack, and Khordha. Encouragingly, Odisha has been ranked among the top performers in the 2026 index by NITI Aayog on investment friendliness 10. It is reported that Odisha plans to reclaim nearly 400 acres Jagannath Temple land, expected to generate INR 100 million for creating a Temple Fund 11. In addition to the above states, Uttarakhand, led by Pushkar Singh Dhami since 2021, and Assam, led by Himanta Biswa Sarma since 2021, both of Bharatiya Janata Party, have also aligned their policies with those of the national government. In a recent report, Uttarakhand and Assam have been ranked first and second among the Hilly and North Eastern States 12. Assam aims to be a key centre through which India can reach out to Southeast Asia. Tata Electronics is set to build a state-of-the-art, greenfield semiconductor assembly and test facility in Jagirod, Assam. The facility will be built with an investment outlay of INR 270 billion, a significant milestone for the state 13. In conclusion, after a long time, India’s demographic centre of gravity in the Ganga River Valley and the development policies and governance philosophy of the states in the valley are aligned with those of the national government. This is a very positive development auguring well for achieving the goals of Viksit Bharat. Competence, outcome or result orientation, patience, good political management, and some luck will be needed to realise the potential of this alignment. 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