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Dec 09, 2025
Ramaharitha Pusarla

India-Russia Strategic Convergence: Pillar of Multipolarity

President Putin’s visit to India for the 23rd annual summit, Dec 4-5, after a four-year gap, has expectedly drawn global attention. West’s attempts to isolate Putin faced a setback after PM Modi reneged on the diplomatic protocol and received him on the tarmac. Affirming the longstanding friendship, both leaders rode back together to PM Modi’s residence for a private dinner and candid exchange of views on bilateral, regional and global issues. India’s friendship with Russia dates back to the nearly eight decades old diplomatic ties with the Soviet Union. Russia upheld the mantle of friendship after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Consolidating the ties, countries elevated their relationship to “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership’ in 2010 and institutionalised it through annual summits, a unique arrangement, an exclusive preserve for trusted friends. Styled on the Soviet Union’s Communist approach, the India-Russia bilateral cooperation is guided by the framework of the India-Russia Intergovernmental Commission (IRIGC), comprising two divisions- IRIGC-TEC (Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technological and Cultural Cooperation) and IRIGC-M&MTC (Military & Military Technical Cooperation). By and large, the partnership was largely steered by an uncharacteristically large number of intergovernmental implementation agencies and working groups. Despite longstanding relations, the partnership was largely government-driven with a very limited business-to-business engagement. Moscow’s worldview of India, dominated and shaped by the Soviet era, has largely limited its cooperation to the core areas of yesteryears like defence and nuclear energy. Extensively engaging with the European countries and China for energy exports and consumer goods till 2022, Russia’s economic engagement was largely Eurocentric. Post-Crimean annexation and sanctions, Russia made a strategic pivot to China, and this consistently deepened after the West’s punitive actions. Russia’s exclusion from SWIFT payment and secondary sanctions have further accelerated Russia’s pivot to the East, with China eventually emerging as Russia’s largest trade partner. Spanning two continents-Europe and Asia—Russia has traditionally leaned towards Europe. In its efforts to align and modernise, Russian institutions are rooted in European traditions. Although a large part of Russia is geographically in Asia, Russia sought comfort in its European identity. Indeed, after the Cold War until the early 2000s, Moscow made repeated attempts to join NATO. However, all its proposals were rejected. Geographically, a Eurasian power, Russia prioritised European ties over Asian influences. The Ukraine conflict of 2022 has thus been a turning point for Russia's geopolitics. Isolated, sanctioned and ostracised from global systems, Russia was forced to recalibrate its policy. It is no secret that Mackinder’s Heartland theory of global dominance has been at the root of the West’s relentless efforts to draw Ukraine into its ambit. With access to Black Sea that connects West Asia to Europe and Russia, Ukraine is geographically pivotal. With vast mineral resources and a strategic position, any power controlling this heartland can project dominance to the vastly interconnected world. West’s control of Ukraine is Russia’s strategic vulnerability. To retain dominance over Eurasia, the West has invested heavily in Ukraine. Though Halford John Mackinder’s theory is still debated, through impressive territorial gains in Ukraine, Russia is inching closer to gaining access to the Black Sea and the huge network of pipelines running through the region. Along with steady gains in Eurasia, reinventing its Asian identity, Russia is now geopolitically aligning with major Asian countries and giants. Pursuing economic diversification, Moscow has intensified trade ties with Asia and African countries. Eurasia holds the key to global dominance, and implicitly so, Russia’s strategic realignment has restructured the contemporary geopolitical landscape. Putin’s visit to India came a day after he “threatened Europe with a war, if it wants one”. Catalysed by European intransigence to the Ukrainian peace plan and castigated for importing Russian energy, Moscow and New Delhi have found themselves in a rare strategic congruity where deepening ties could be a mutually win-win. Shedding the legacy baggage of the Soviet era, Russia is now seeking economic opportunities in India’s expanding markets. As the fourth-largest economy with immense development potential, India offers a platform for reimagining bilateral relations. Since the Ukraine conflict, the West has targeted India for not taking sides, condemning Russia and sourcing oil imports from Moscow. Earlier in August, Trump slapped an additional 25% tariff on India for importing Russian imports in addition to the baseline reciprocal 25% taking the overall tariffs to 50% as a punishment. Resisting economic pressure, India kept its ties with Russia intact. Lately, Washington has pursued hard bargains with New Delhi by linking trade negotiations to the acquisition of F-35 fighter jets and pressing for unfettered market access to US agricultural and dairy products in India. By withholding access to critical source codes and weapons integration systems, Washington seeks to leverage defence technology to pin down India into strategic dependence. Rebuffing the offer and refusing to cave in, India explicitly expressed its readiness to expand the gamut of cooperation with Russia. Instructively, acknowledging India’s rising international stature, in a bid to economically diversify and derisk from China, during the Summit meeting, PM Modi and President Putin unveiled, “Time Tested, Progressive Partnership anchored in trust and mutual respect for 2030”. Setting an ambitious target of $100 billion bilateral target, countries broadened the partnership to balance the skewed trade and bolstered people-to-people cooperation, a quintessential foundation to rejuvenate cultural, political and economic connections between the countries. India-Russia partnership was anchored in defence cooperation, which included co-production, co-development and technology transfer. Aligning these aspects with “Make in India” countries have now agreed to manufacture the spares for Russian defence procurements in India. Apart from fast-tracking negotiations on FTA with the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), leaders have addressed the India-Russia Business Forum to promote private investments, cooperation in startups and unveiled Programme 2030 to foster cooperation in AI, innovation, critical and emerging technologies. With a fundamental reorientation of economic conversations, leaders discussed the use of national currencies for bilateral trade and interoperability of financial systems. The panoply of agreements and announcements on Putin’s State visit is a testament to an ambitious vision plan for India-Russia's longstanding partnership. Notable MoUs signed included - Migration and Mobility agreement (on temporary labour activity & combating irregular migration), health care, medical education and science, food safety compliances, cooperation in shipping, ports, joint mineral exploration, border postal cooperation, scientific and academic collaboration, training students and professionals for academic activity, training specialists for ships operating in Polar waters and media cooperation. Countries also signed an MoU on a joint venture in Urea manufacturing in Russia. India has announced a 30-day e-tourist visa on a gratis basis to Russian nationals on a reciprocal basis. With no mention of high-profile defence deals in the Joint Statement, critics labelled Putin’s visit as high on theatrics and poor on substance. However, this underlines a strategic shift in military partnership, now reorienting toward joint research and development, co-development, and co-production of advanced defence technologies. Russia's Su-57 offer is on the table, with Moscow proposing to transfer technology, 60% licensed local production and integration with indigenous sensors and missiles and upgradation of the Su-30 MKI fleet. Besides promising discounted oil supply, countries are now focused on strengthening infrastructure connecting the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), the Chennai–Vladivostok (Eastern Maritime) Corridor, and the Northern Sea Route. Ahead of Putin’s visit, the Duma has ratified the Reciprocal Exchange of Logistics Support (RELOS) pact with India and coinciding with Putin’s visit, Rosatom has announced the delivery of the first batch of nuclear fuel for the third reactor at the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant. Aligning with India’s goal of 100 GW nuclear power by 2047, Russia offered to build a second nuclear plant and pledged small modular reactors. For decades, independent India failed to leverage its strategic location and its significant maritime power. Asserting its maritime power, India signed foundational logistics agreements with the US. India has similar pacts with Japan, Singapore, France, Australia and South Korea. With the formalisation of RELOS, India can counterbalance the Western defence integration and dilute Russia’s dependence on China. RELOS serves the twin purposes of opening doors to the warm water ports for Russia and grants the Indian Navy access to the Russian Arctic (Murmansk) and Far East ports (Vladivostok). While India can become a stakeholder in the emerging Arctic trade routes, mineral explorations and counter the rising Chinese footprint in the Polar, Russian access to the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) will alter the Indo-Pacific balance. RELOS echoes with India's goal of setting a permanent manned mission in the Arctic region. Besides enhancing the institutional interoperability through joint manoeuvres and mutual use of the military facilities for refuelling, supplies and maintenance, it will provide berthing facilities for troops, warships and aircraft. The pact allows the stationing of five warships, 10 aircraft and 3000 troops in the territory of the partner country. The logistics agreements with the US and Russia epitomise India's ‘strategic autonomy’ and its strategic capitalisation of geographical location. Steadily bolstering defence, energy, military linkages, and now repurposing the partnership with a long-term view on economic engagement, India has broadened the expanse of cooperation with Russia. Diligently exploring the economic opportunities, India and Russia are reshaping their partnerships to avoid being coerced by both the US and China. Investments and economic cooperation with India can help Russia break free from the Chinese clasp. A deepening Russia partnership and a steady flow of discounted crude lend economic stability and immunity from inflationary pressures for India. A steady India-Russia defence upgrade through joint production, besides rattling the adversaries, will help India assert its sovereignty over the weapons. India can no longer be pressurised to surrender its freedom for advanced defence technologies. The symbolism of the recently concluded India-Russia summit is a political message to the West. Ramping up trade engagements, Indian engineering, pharmaceuticals, chemicals and electronics are now entering Russia. Leaders have laid a foundation for a “balanced, mutually beneficial, sustainable and long-term partnership” amid the complex and uncertain geopolitical situation. Instead of buckling under pressure, India has doubled down on its ties with Russia. Trump’s ruthless rundown of Indian interests amid its trade concessions and conciliations to China, despite Beijing’s Russian energy imports, hasn’t gone down well with India. Trump’s attempts to draw India into its geo-strategic games- weaning it away from Russia while making overtures to Pakistan are now falling apart. India has always valued its relations with the US and continues to do so. However, Washington’s blatant coercion, breaking through the seams of the Comprehensive Global and Strategic Partnership, threatens to dangerously damage the trust factor. India can no longer be instructed to but negotiated with to have a mutually beneficial trade agreement. Days after Putin’s visit, a US trade delegation arrived in India for talks, and Quad officials met twice in a week to hold talks on counter terrorism and humanitarian aid. However, being a compulsive deal maker, Trump is attempting to arm-twist India with fresh tariffs on Indian rice. China weaponises rare earths while India is inexorably wielding its strategic autonomy to secure food, fuel and fertiliser security. Steering clear of alliances, navigating its own course through strategic diversification and reviving old trusted relationships, India is emerging as a responsible power. India is not a vassal state to be dictated to, but a leader capable of charting through muddled waters towards the mission of Viksit Bharat 2047. Constantly drawing its force and energy from the centuries of resilience as a civilisational state, India is uncompromisingly advancing its national interests. India seeks partnerships based on respect. Washington’s imperialistic and hierarchical partnerships are accelerating a global reconfiguration and promoting the emergence of a multipolar world order. References Joint Statement following the 23rd India - Russia Annual Summit (December 05, 2025) List of Outcomes: State Visit of the President of the Russian Federation to India (December 04 – 05, 2025) Transcript of Special briefing by MEA on the State Visit of the President of Russia to India (December 05, 2025)

Dec 09, 2025
Dr Ryan Baidya

A Constitutional Vision for Nepal: Affirming the Sanatan Civilisational State

The recurring political instability under the 2015 constitutional framework demonstrates that structural reforms are insufficient without a foundation rooted in the nation's core identity. A lasting constitutional order requires a deep understanding of Nepal's enduring spiritual and cultural character. The essential step toward achieving genuine stability, inclusion, and national cohesion lies in formally and constitutionally recognising Nepal as a Sanatan civilisation. This is not a proposal for a narrow religious state, but an affirmation of the ancient, unifying tradition that has historically integrated diverse faiths and shaped the very essence of the Nepali experience. It is an acknowledgement of a living, plural inheritance that organises the nation's social imagination, public time, and civic life. This document will articulate this constitutional vision. It begins by defining the Sanatan identity as a broad civilisational canopy, presents the tangible evidence of its continuity in Nepali life, traces its deep historical roots, and outlines a modern constitutional framework that is both authentic to its heritage and fully committed to the rights of every citizen. Deconstructing the Sanatan Identity: Beyond Religion to a Civilisational Canopy The strategic importance of correctly defining "Sanatan" in the Nepali context cannot be overstated. This is not a call for theocracy or a retreat into a monolithic religious identity. Rather, it is the recognition of a broad, inclusive, and historically demonstrated civilisational framework that has long provided the nation with its unique coherence and resilience. Understanding this distinction is the key to unlocking a more stable and authentic constitutional future. Nepal, as a Sanatan civilisation, functions as a "welcoming canopy" for a multitude of diverse Indic streams, including Hindu, Buddhist, Jain, and Kirati traditions. It describes the lived reality where different philosophical paths coexist not as exceptions, but as the norm. It is a cultural superstructure built on shared ethics that foster everyday cooperation among communities. This inherent pluralism is its defining feature. Sanatan already is inclusion in the Nepali context: a many-roomed house in which multiple paths are ordinary, neighbours share festivals and streets, and common ethics—dharma, ahimsa, dana, maitri, seva—bind difference into everyday cooperation. Adopting the term "Sanatan" is more accurate, inclusive, and stable than relying on ambiguous imported labels. Accuracy: “Sanatan” names the historical, cultural, and ethical stream that actually formed Nepal’s social compact. Inclusivity: In Nepal, Sanatan has never been a single-sect doctrine; it has been a welcoming canopy. Stability: Imported labels (often elastic in politics) can be weaponised against majorities or minorities alike. Naming the real inheritance avoids perennial word-wars and centres lived practice. Having defined the philosophical basis of this Sanatan identity, we now turn to the tangible evidence of its deep and continuing presence in the life of the nation. The Four Pillars of a Living Civilisation: Evidence in Nepali Life The four pillars of People, Places, Time, and Language offer tangible, observable evidence of Nepal's Sanatan character. They demonstrate how this identity is not an abstract theory imposed from above but a lived reality that unfolds daily in the homes, streets, and valleys of the nation. These pillars are the registers through which the civilizational compact is continuously performed and renewed. People (Belief and Practice) The lived traditions of a decisive supermajority of Nepalis create a routine of plural coexistence. This is evident in life-cycle rites, household worship, monastic offerings, and seasonal fasts. An everyday grammar of duty, service, and compassion bridges communities, making cooperation and mutual respect the ordinary condition of social life rather than an exception requiring state intervention. Places (Sacred Geography and Urban Form) Nepal's sacred map is a continuous and integrated Hindu-Buddhist fabric. Key sites such as Pashupati, Swayambhu, Muktinath, and Janaki Mandir are not isolated monuments but nodes in a nationwide spiritual network. In urban centres, temples and viharas are not set apart from civic life; they shape it by linking charity, craft, and worship to markets and public squares. The Kathmandu Valley, with its dense network of stupas, temples, and innumerable patis, bahals, chautaras, ghats, and hiti (spouts), exemplifies a "Hindu–Buddhist civilisational city" where sacred and civic spaces are one. Time (Festivals as the Public Calendar) Public time in Nepal is structured by a shared festival cycle that turns streets into sanctuaries and renews social bonds. Major national events, including Dashain, Tihar, Indra Jatra, Buddha Jayanti, Lhosar variants, Gai Jatra, Teej, Mani Rimdu, and Bhoto Jatra, are not merely holidays but moments of collective participation that transcend community boundaries. This shared calendar transforms labour into worship and reinforces the idea that civilizational time remains a national commons, belonging to everyone. Language (Plural Tongues, Shared Grammar) Nepal’s remarkable linguistic diversity, with dozens of mother tongues in active use, performs rather than dilutes its Sanatan identity. While scripts and vocabularies differ, these languages are carriers of a "shared civilisational grammar" rooted in common ethics of duty, generosity, truthfulness, and friendship. This underlying moral vocabulary unites the nation's diverse peoples within a single, coherent ethical framework. The contemporary evidence of these four pillars is sustained by an unbroken chain of historical and spiritual continuity that has forged Nepal’s unique identity over millennia. The Unbroken Chain: Historical and Spiritual Continuity Nepal's history is not merely a political chronology of dynasties and borders; it is the story of a distinct spiritual domain, a sanctuary where ancient wisdom and diverse faiths converged and coalesced. The nation’s claim to a profound Sanatan heritage is grounded in a sacred geography and a history defined by the harmonious symbiosis of Hinduism and Buddhism, which together forged its unique and resilient character. The narrative of Nepal's sacred geography begins with its foundational myths and sites. It is revered as the birthplace of Janaki (Sita) in the ancient Mithila Kingdom and the birthplace of Siddhartha Gautama (the Buddha) in Lumbini. It is also the sacred dwelling of Pashupatinath, where Lord Shiva is eternally enshrined, making the Kathmandu Valley a principal hub for the veneration of Shiva and Shakti. This places the wellsprings of both the Vedantic/Puranic and Buddhist traditions within Nepal's sovereign territory. This shared geography fostered a profound and harmonious syncretism between Hinduism and Buddhism, which has historically been treated not as two competing religions but as "two robust extensions of the same eternal, underlying spiritual philosophy." This synthesis is manifest in living traditions: The Living Goddess, the Kumari, stands as the preeminent symbol of this coalescence. She is selected from a Newar Buddhist lineage of the Shakya clan but is worshipped by Hindus and Buddhists alike as the living embodiment of the Hindu goddess Taleju (Durga). Her annual public appearances are central to the civic and spiritual continuity of the nation. The deity Machhindranath (Rato Matsyendranath) is universally venerated by Buddhists as an incarnation of Avalokiteshvara and by Hindus as a form of Shiva or Vishnu. The massive chariot festival (Jatra) in his honour is a collective prayer for monsoon rains and a powerful affirmation of the community’s shared destiny. This practical unity of dharma is visible everywhere: Hindu divinities like Shiva and Vishnu were integrated into the Buddhist Vajrayana pantheon as protector figures like Bhairav and Vajrayogini; a Shiva-lingam is frequently positioned contiguous to a stupa; and devotees routinely offer reverence at both Hindu and Buddhist shrines.dm. For centuries, following the political fragmentation of Hindu kingdoms in the Indian subcontinent, Nepal’s mountainous geography served as a sanctuary for Sanatan traditions. It was often designated by scholars and travellers as Asal Hindustan (the genuine, pure land of Hindus), a title underscoring its role as a secure custodian of these ancient ways. It is this historically validated, living inheritance that now requires formal constitutional recognition to secure Nepal’s future. The Constitutional Framework: A Modern Sanatan Republic Formally recognising Nepal's Sanatan identity is not a retreat into the past but a forward-looking strategy to build a stable and authentic modernity. Such a framework grounds the state in its genuine cultural inheritance while unequivocally upholding modern principles of equality, liberty, and public reason. The principles of a modern Sanatan Republic are designed to be both durable and just. First, the framework establishes a non-negotiable baseline for individual rights, ensuring that civilizational recognition does not lead to exclusion or privilege. This commitment is anchored in three core principles: Equal Citizenship: Affirm the equal protection of the law for every person, regardless of faith or non-belief. Freedom of Conscience: Guarantee the absolute freedom of worship, assembly, and culture. Open Civic Institutions: Commit to schools, courts, and public budgets governed by secular public reason and accountable to all citizens. Building on this foundation of universal rights, the core principles of a Sanatan Republic will guide state policy to foster a flourishing, modern, and authentic nation: Stewardship of Living Heritage: The state will act as a steward, not an owner, of the nation's spiritual and cultural assets. This includes protecting and modernising the management of temples, viharas, community trusts (guthis), and sacred landscapes to ensure transparent endowments and open access for all. Many Tongues, One Civic Home: The state will honour all mother tongues as national treasures while promoting Nepali as a common working language for civic and economic life. This approach to bilingual and multilingual education will ensure that citizens can both earn well and belong well. Public Time, Public Space: Plan cities around festival routes and squares; preserve rest houses and water spouts; fund inclusive celebration logistics. Power as Service (Rajadharma): The Sanatan ethic of leadership as a sacred trust will be translated into modern principles of good governance. This demands clean institutions, transparent budgets, independent courts, and a political culture where authority exists to serve the public, not to extract from it. Earth as Sacred Trust: Align growth with stewardship of mountains, rivers, and forests; build seismic and climate resilience. Knowledge and Work: The educational model will bridge the ancient and the modern by teaching both code and culture. This means pairing STEM education with the civilisational arts and creating economic policies that support traditional artisans with fair wages and access to modern markets. This constitutional framework is designed to be resilient, providing a clear vision for the future while directly addressing potential criticisms and misunderstandings. Anticipating and Refuting Objections Any bold constitutional vision must anticipate and address potential concerns to demonstrate its coherence and viability. This section proactively deconstructs the most common objections to affirming Nepal as a Sanatan nation, showing that the proposed framework is both inclusive and forward-looking. "Does formally naming Nepal 'Sanatan' threaten minorities?" No. Inclusion is the core principle of this proposal. In the Nepali context, Sanatan has historically functioned as a canopy hosting Hindu, Buddhist, Jain, Kirati, Sikh, and other neighbours in a state of routine coexistence. Furthermore, the constitutional framework is built upon a non-negotiable baseline of rights that explicitly guards every individual's liberty and guarantees equal protection under the law for people of any faith or none. The affirmation is descriptive of a plural reality, not prescriptive of a singular belief. "Is this proposal merely an exercise in nostalgia?" This is a fundamentally forward-looking program. It is about modernisation without amnesia. The principles outlined are practical and contemporary: creating digitised guthi ledgers for transparency, applying modern seismic codes to protect ancient pagodas, developing conservation architecture, promoting bilingual education for a globalised economy, and ensuring artisan livelihoods through access to modern markets. It is about equipping a timeless civilisation with the tools of the 21st century. "Why not use a neutral, secular term instead?" True neutrality has already been achieved and practised for centuries through Sanatan pluralism in Nepal. Replacing an accurate, historically grounded civilisational name with an "elastic import" does not improve protections for any group. Instead, it invites endless semantic battles, creates identity anxiety, and risks turning a civilisational inheritance into a partisan political slogan. Naming the real, lived inheritance is the most stable and honest path forward. These refutations demonstrate that the proposal for a Sanatan Republic is robust, thoughtful, and fully prepared to meet the challenges of building a modern, inclusive, and authentic Nepali state. Naming the River, Securing the Future In conclusion, Nepal's Sanatan identity is not a political choice to be made but a living reality to be acknowledged and affirmed in its constitutional order. This identity was not forged by decree, but by the way people live: a supermajority practising Sanatan traditions; a sacred geography where temples and viharas shape the public commons; a civic calendar braided with shared festivals; and a chorus of languages expressing a single moral grammar. To deny this reality is to build a state disconnected from its own foundations. To say Nepal is—and will remain—a Sanatan civilisation is to name the river that has long carried everyone here. By formally recognising this truth, Nepal can finally establish a constitutional order that is stable because it is authentic, and inclusive because its very nature is pluralistic. This is the path to a future where the nation can confidently navigate the pressures of modernity without sacrificing the wisdom that has sustained it for millennia. We will be modern without amnesia and faithful without fear. We will keep the eternal in the everyday—lamp and laptop, pagoda and seismic code, guthi ledger and digital cadastre, artisan skill and fair wage. We will educate in science and the civilisational arts, welcome the world, and stand confident in ourselves. On this truth, we will initiate a new constitutional order: a free, plural, and flourishing Nepal—Sanatan at its core, generous to all who call it home. References for further reading Asko Parpola, The Roots of Hinduism: The Early Aryans and the Indus Civilisation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). David N. Gellner, The Anthropology of Buddhism and Hinduism: Weberian Themes (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001). Axel Michaels, Hinduism: Past and Present (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004). Mary Shepherd Slusser, Nepal Mandala: A Cultural Study of the Kathmandu Valley, 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982). Rastriya Sabha, Constitution of Nepal 2015 (Unofficial English Translation) (Kathmandu: Law Books Management Board, 2016). C.W. Huntington, The Emptiness of Emptiness: An Introduction to Early Indian Madhyamaka (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989). Kamal Dev Bhattarai, Transition: From 12-Point Understanding to Constitution Promulgation (Kathmandu: Martin Chautari, 2015). Makhan Jha, The Sacred Complex of Kathmandu, Nepal: Religion, Culture and Ecology of the Hindu and Buddhist Tradition (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 1986). Harold G. Coward and K. Kunjunni Raja, The Philosophy of the Grammarians (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990). Sudhakar Sharma, Sanatan Dharma: A Path to Enlightenment (Varanasi: Sharda Publishing House, 2010).