Home

Featured Articles

Mar 19, 2025
Ramaharitha Pusarla

Malabar and the Portuguese

The most illogical rationale for European colonisers justifying their imperial control of India was the ‘civilising mission’. Iberians always envied Venetian and Arab access to Indian commodities and aspired for the same. However, access to Indian trade took a hit after the Ottomans firmed up their control over the maritime trade routes and began levying taxes. This spurred the Iberians to embark on long-distance explorations to India. They travelled around Africa to reach India. With embedded cultural and religious missions besides the overtly propagated trade monopoly as the paramount objective, the Portuguese through successive expeditions managed to reach the Indian shores. Building on accumulated experiences of over half a century of explorations systematically collated over years, including the adventurous naval expedition prowess of Dom Henry, better known as Prince Henry the Navigator, Vasco da Gama set sail for India in 1497 with the express consent of King Dom Manuel from Belem. Aboard San Gabriel rounding the Port of Hope, taking an Indian Davane hostage and escorted by the pilots of King of Melinde, da Gama landed at Kappat north of Calicut on May 17th. Equipped with the 1441 Papal Bull that granted sovereignty over all new lands in Africa and Asia to the Crown of Portugal, stocked with provisions and heavily armed with guns, the Portuguese set foot on India. Generations of India had the misfortune of graduating with the curriculum and syllabus that gratified the colonial masters and made them accept the benefits of European rule. All the available literature written with a colonial lens had eloquently subscribed to the trade theory as the primary motive of waves of European expeditions to the Indian subcontinent. Shedding light on the less-known details of the earliest European colonial settlements, K. M. Pannikar’s “Malabar and the Portuguese” written in 1929 offers insights into the imperial motives of Iberians. This book is among the earliest and the most authentic Indian historical record of Portuguese settlements in the Malabar region. Pannikar who served as Indian ambassador to China and one of the greatest influences on Nehru, had been at the centre of India’s Chinese foreign policy debacle. With his sympathetic portrayal of China, he justified Beijing’s actions and policies and forced Nehru to surrender the Indian diplomatic mission in Tibet tamely. The botched-up foreign policy carried under the counsel of Pannikar and VK Krishna Menon has reaped on India the livewire of the largest un-demarcated boundary. Infamous as a Chinese apologist, while I debated the choice of the book, the new tag of being a Voice of India publication disquieted my apprehensions. Panikkar was a scholarly historian before donning the role of an administrator and diplomat. He authored many historical works and was the architect of the ‘Indian Naval Doctrine’. Written at a time when the Britishers still ruled India, the book debunks the Portuguese propaganda of Estado da India or the Portuguese State of India. Panikkar outrightly rejects the claims of Iberians of having a massive foothold in India. His work was exclusively restricted to Portuguese attempts to make Malabar a springboard for their larger ambitions of extending their presence across India. Laid out in 14 chapters, the initial chapter- Malabar before the arrival of Portuguese provides a sneak peek at the societal setup in the region, its extensive trade connections with Egyptians, Greeks, Romans, Arabs and with regions in the Far East. By the 8th century, Malabar had thriving communities of St. Thomas Christians, Jews and Arab Mohammedans or Moors. At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese, Malabar was divided into small principalities ruled by small Rajahs or chieftains who accepted the suzerainty of major rulers. Around the 15th century, the Kolathari or King of Cannanore or Zamorin or King of Calicut was the major ruler of Malabar, with several small Rajahs like Rajahs of Tanur, Cranganore, Cochin, Mangat, Idappalli, Vadakkumkur, Procaud, Kayamkulam and Quillon. Malabar had a unique law which didn’t recognise the right of the sovereign to oust a rebellious chief or to confiscate his property. But when hostilities arise, “after subduing them (Chiefs of Malabar), it was a practice to return to them their possession, and the restitution, although sometimes delayed for a long time”. But in the end, the major Rajah or Zamorin would always return. The political organisation and feudal system of Malabar was a bit different. At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese, the Zamorin who belonged to the Nair caste, had all the rights like entering into alliances, minting coins in his name and had enjoyed perks of royalty denied to Rajah of Cochin, a Kshatria with superior social status. Hence, he felt slighted. Indeed, the Portuguese after their arrival capitalised on this and effectively exploited these differences between the rajahs and played them one against another to entrench themselves into the important principalities. Most of the Rajahs were in charge of ports bustling centres of trade and commerce. Apart from trade, the impetus behind Portuguese exploration is driven by the devout Christian duty of conquering new lands for Christ. They believed that the supremacy of the Indian seas was a work of God and none other than Christians had a right over them. Motivated by a zeal to conquer new lands, Portuguese expeditions were replete with episodes of unheard brutality that startled Malabar Kings and the Moors who excelled in sea trade. Short of muscle power to indulge in open confrontation, the Portuguese launched surprise attacks on unsuspecting seafarers and plundered and drowned their ships. As a message to Zamorin, who refused to respond to Portuguese peace overtures, they heaped despicable brutalities on the crew of a vessel which had no parallels in history. With marauding expeditions on ports, the Portuguese created a famine-like situation in 1577. Backed by the valiant Kunjali Marakkars, Zamorin took on the Portuguese and strategically repelled every attempt to wrest control of the important ports in Malabar. Except for Cochin, Procaud and Quilon, the Portuguese failed to penetrate much beyond a few miles from the coast into the interiors. Even their precarious hold over these regions was completely decimated out with the arrival of the Dutch. Portuguese even eyed Ceylon. But Zamorin effectively frustrated all their attempts by siding with Maydunna, the brother of Ceylon King Bhuveneka Bahu. Along with setting up factories at Cochin, the Portuguese after acquiring forts expelled non-Christians. They encouraged intermarriages where Christian converts were extended the same privileges as the Portuguese. They believed conversion was their imperative duty. “Cross in one hand, sword in another”, they unleashed their narrow spirit of intolerance against native Christians. Indeed, these Christians upon the arrival of da Gama approached him and acknowledged their allegiance to the King of Portugal and even suggested building a strong fort to occupy entire Malabar. These native Christians enjoyed communal privileges and had absolute religious freedom in Malabar. They were even governed by Metrans or Bishops, representatives sent from the Archiepiscopate of Bussorah. Despite the special treatment accorded by the Hindu rulers, at the first opportunity they shifted their loyalties without any compunction. However, the Portuguese considered native Christians as heretics and their Bishop Archdeacon of Syria a traitor. With the reluctant approval of Rajah of Cochin, Alexis de Meneses, Archbishop of Goa coerced the St. Thomas Christians to accept the supremacy of Rome at the Synod of Diamper (Udaimperoor). The Portuguese converted Rajah of Tanur but he reverted to his native faith after 10 years with the support of Zamorin. The primary targets of the Portuguese Inquisition were the native Christians. Portuguese could control Cochin completely. They exercised their political authority and interfered in domestic affairs including succession. Despite being in alliance with the Rajah of Cochin, the Portuguese attempted to plunder Pallurithi Temple which the Rajah held in high esteem. The Portuguese contingent in India has twice the number of clergy than the soldiers and officials. Rivalry existed between the religious orders and the administrators. Massive infighting between officials, corruption, inefficient administration, feudal mindset, lack of loyalty and indulgence in private trade led to the crumbling of Portuguese power in Malabar. Portuguese burnt temples and mosques along the coasts. They were inherently hostile to Moors given their faceoff with them in Spain and Africa. They used locals to fight the Mohammedan rulers, a policy which later Europeans followed. The Portuguese who were driven away from Malabar occupied Goa and destroyed all Hindu temples at the orders of the King of Portugal. Portuguese made plans to attack Canjeevaram temples. However, since the local Rajah got the whiff of the plans, they were forced to retreat. The spirit of intolerance flowed from the King of Portugal who was intent on spreading Christianity. In his orders, he instructed Viceroy Joao de Castro to direct all his powers to evangelism. It says, “ The great concernment which lies upon Christian Princes to look to matters of Faith and to employ their forces for its preservation makes me advise you how sensible I am that not only in many parts of India under our subjection but in our city of Goa, idols are worshipped, places in which our Faith may be more reasonably expected to flourish; and being well informed with how much liberty they celebrated heathenish festivals. We command you to discover by diligent officers all the idols and to demolish and break them up in pieces where they are found, proclaiming severe punishments against anyone who shall dare to work, cast, make in sculpture, engrave, paint or bring to light any figure of an idol in metal, brass, wood, plaster or any other matter, or bring them from other places; and against who publicly or privately celebrate any of their sports, keep by them any heathenish frankincense or assist and hide the Brahmins, the sworn enemies of the Christian profession……. It is our pleasure that you punish them with that severity of the law without admitting any appeal or dispensation in the least”. Since the Portuguese hardly made territorial gains in Malabar, they were unsuccessful with their policy of conversion in Malabar. But they unleashed their intolerance to the fullest in Goa. In fact, to give up cow slaughter in Quillon, the Portuguese had struck a deal with the Queen that Christians should be governed as per the edicts pronounced by their captain. The unvarnished facts in the book unambiguously reinforce the religious fanatism of the Portuguese and the later Europeans, who used every trick in the book- inducement, intimidation, and coercion to convert the natives at sword’s point. With the contemporary discourse dominated by debates on rules-based international order, there can be no better time to lay hands on available historical sources. As the collective West more so, the European countries, masquerading as custodians of humanity spare no occasion to lecture Indigenous civilisations on values-based polity, it is time to show them the mirror. This book can be a good starter for anyone interested in unlearning and relearning the ordeals of the Indian civilisational story. Pages: 221 Publishers: Voice of India, New Delhi

Mar 18, 2025
G.S. Satya

A New Democratic Republic Constitution for India

Dr. Ryan Baidya's monumental work, New Democratic Republic Constitution for India, is a timely and thought-provoking proposal for a revised and reimagined constitution for India, also known as Bharat. In this book, Dr. Baidya presents a comprehensive framework that covers: The historical context and perspective of the existing constitution. A critical analysis of its creation. The omissions and commissions in the document. Its relationship—or lack thereof—with Sanatana Samskruti (our ancient culture). Appropriate changes for a modern, rapidly evolving world. A roadmap for India's future as a global leader. As a proud Indo-American who has spent 85 years traversing both India and the United States, I bring to this review a unique blend of perspectives. My first 24 years were spent growing up in Bharat, and I’ve since lived in the United States for over 60 years. I cherish and uphold my Bharatiya values and beliefs, which form the bedrock of my thoughts. The foundation of my thinking stems from three sources: My parents and ancestors who laid the foundation of my values. Teachers in my middle and high school years. Heroes such as Bharat Ratna Sir M. Vishveshwaraya, Nobel Laureate Sir C. V. Raman, and Bharat Ratna Rajagopalachari. These individuals, along with my interactions with Prime Ministers Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Vajpayee in the 1950s and 1960s, shaped my understanding of India's potential. However, it wasn’t until I met Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and Coretta Scott King in Bengaluru that I truly understood the power of constitutional reform. In 1960, I had the privilege of meeting Dr. King at the Indian Institute of World Culture. His impassioned speech about the American Civil Rights Movement and his belief in Gandhian principles left an indelible mark on me. His meeting with my guru, D.V. Gundappa (DVG), further strengthened his commitment to non-violence, which later led to the Civil Rights Act of 1964 in the U.S. This encounter taught me that a nation's Constitution is a living document, one that must evolve with its people's values and needs. With this extensive life experience, I approached Dr. Baidya’s book. In A New Democratic Republic Constitution for India, he astutely identifies the deep colonial influences embedded within India’s existing constitution. He argues that this constitution, in its current form, is neither truly democratic nor secular in the genuine sense. More crucially, it fails to reflect the values of Bharat’s millennia-old Vedic traditions. Dr. Baidya makes a compelling case for a complete overhaul of the constitution. He advocates for a document that honours Bharatiya Vedic values while simultaneously addressing the realities of the Information Age and the rise of artificial intelligence. His argument is clear: India’s current constitution is not a fixed document, as evidenced by the nearly 100 amendments it has undergone, far surpassing the 26 amendments of the U.S. Constitution. One of Dr. Baidya’s most persuasive recommendations is the formation of a Constitution Review Committee, representative of Bharat’s diverse population. He emphasises the importance of inviting input from a broad spectrum of citizens to ensure that the new constitution truly reflects the aspirations of all Bharatiyas. To combat corruption, Dr. Baidya proposes the creation of an independent "Police of the Police" system at both the federal and state levels. This system, coupled with term limits for policing authorities, would act as a safeguard against the corruption that plagues India’s current institutions. In conclusion, borrowing from the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.: “My fellow Bharatiyas, this proposed new constitution by Dr. Ryan Baidya is a marvellous ideal—a call to action that empowers you to rise as the Vishwa Guru (global leader) you are destined to be.” L to R: Ryan Baidya, Dr. R. Balasubramaniam, & G.S. Satya ( September 2024, Stanford University, CA )