President’s Rule in Manipur – What Lies Ahead for the Northeast?
- In Current Affairs
- 12:03 PM, Feb 18, 2025
- Ankita Dutta
After the resignation of N. Biren Singh from the post of Chief Minister on February 9, President’s Rule was imposed in strife-torn Manipur on the evening of February 13. Accordingly, the Manipur Legislative Assembly, which had a tenure till 2027, has now been put under suspended animation, according to a notification issued by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs. However, days after the imposition of the President's Rule in the state, protests have been brewing in different parts of the Imphal Valley.
While the Kuki-dominated hill districts and the 10 Kuki MLAs (seven of whom belong to the BJP) have welcomed the Central Government's decision, different Meitei Civil Society Organisations, including the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI) have demanded its immediate revocation, requesting the Central Government to reinstate the popular Government headed by N. Biren Singh. Several Meira Paibi organisations based in Imphal have also protested against the Central Government's decision to impose the President's Rule.
Although the Kuki Inpi Manipur, the apex body of the Kuki tribes of Manipur, has welcomed the Government’s decision to impose President’s Rule, it has remained firm in its demand for a separate administration. Nevertheless, security has been stepped up further in the already heavily militarised state. Ahead of the imposition of the President’s Rule in Manipur, a security plan was prepared well in advance. The State Police and Intelligence Agencies, too, were monitoring the movements of certain individuals to prevent any untoward incident.
Many scholars and experts have suggested that the period of President’s Rule could be used to launch extensive military operations to flush out weaponry that is widespread in both the hills and the valley. The President’s Rule in Manipur will indeed allow the Government of India to weaken the nexus between corrupt local politicians and militant groups. Any weakness or appeasement whatsoever shall have dire consequences on the territorial integrity of Manipur as well as the overall safety and security of Bharat’s Northeastern borders.
The Central Government alone is now responsible for decisive military actions against those who orchestrated the violence in the first place. At the same time, strict action needs to be taken against all forms of evangelical activities, besides ensuring that IDPs return to their homes and supply routes to the Imphal Valley are kept intact. The Government must also take a firm stand against all forms of terrorism, be it religious or narco-terrorism. However, it is feared that Manipur, particularly the border districts, have already transformed into an extended range of the South-East Asian ‘Golden Triangle’.
We cannot afford the Manipur hills to transform into yet another dreaded ‘Golden Triangle’. There is a collusion of cross-border narco-terrorists and unions of communal and chauvinist separatist elites who have always misled the larger Kuki society to fulfil their vested interests in wealth and politics. This collusion of anti-India forces plays an extremely important role in Manipur’s legislature, bureaucracy, intelligence and service sectors. They have been sponsoring large-scale infiltration of Chin-Kukis from Myanmar.
To intensify the establishment of contiguous Kuki areas in different districts of Manipur and peripheral areas surrounding the Imphal Valley, they have encouraged the speedy growth of new Kuki villages/neighbourhoods in different areas of Manipur. As a result, the number of Kuki colonies has expanded gradually over time. These infiltrators were absorbed into the Manipuri society and converted into Indian citizens eventually, entitled to enjoy the privileges constitutionally meant for the Scheduled Tribes (STs) at the cost of the indigenous people.
Infiltration of Chin-Kukis and the subsequent establishment of new colonies expanded territorial occupation, intensified timber felling and strengthened the illicit drug business and illegal poppy farming. They destroyed Manipur’s rich and luxuriant forests, encroached upon the Reserved and Protected Forest Zones, and obstructed the native people of Manipur from undertaking their annual pilgrimages to the primordial religious shrines in the hills. Attributed largely to poppy farming, climate change is undoubtedly a real problem in Manipur today.
The increasing intensity of climate change does pose a challenge in terms of preserving the rich biodiversity of the state. To tackle this issue, increasing awareness about the importance of biodiversity should be spread to the local and as well as administrative levels. Giving the farmers a better alternative for poppy farming can certainly be a way forward. Moreover, promoting products dependent upon the biodiversity of the forests can establish a fine balance between the sustenance of biodiversity and people’s livelihoods.
The establishment of agro-industries can process the locally available food produce and can help encourage the locals to preserve the biodiversity of their area. Their involvement is a must to address the momentous task of maintaining the balance between economic growth and biodiversity conservation. In this way, the indigenous wisdom and traditions of the region can also be preserved and marketed. But, a serious problem in Manipur today is that of infiltrators having established exclusive control over key trade routes and business hubs passing through the Kuki-dominated districts.
Precisely because of this reason, they have been operating freely without any obstruction since 2005. Therefore, when the Government of Manipur began to initiate programs such as the ‘War on Drugs’, destruction of poppy farming, protection of Reserved and Protected Forests, eviction of encroachers from government lands, imposition of curbs on illegal immigration, detection of refugees from Myanmar sheltered in designated relief camps, population surveys, etc., the collusion of Kuki narco-terrorists and separatist political leaders felt the heat. For them, it was an attack on their vested interests.
They, therefore, projected the government’s actions as communally motivated and attacked the Meiteis to create disturbance, destabilise the government, misinform and mislead the media and divert public opinion in India and elsewhere to cover up their diabolic agenda. Their ultimate aim is to carve out an exclusive Kuki territory from Manipur so that they can enjoy a free hand in terms of extortion on the National Highways, international borderland trade, illegal drug business, deforestation, depletion of natural resources, delays in Centrally-funded infrastructure projects, etc.
However, on a positive note, there has been continuous coverage of the Manipur conflict in the media of late, which is not only raising certain valid and genuine questions about the government's policies but also creating more awareness about the complexities of the state overall. The targeted killings of the Meiteis and the narrative of a Christian homeland in this geographical entity, as earlier attested by the ousted Prime Minister of Bangladesh, is raising concerns among not just the Hindus of Manipur but also all Sanatanis from the Northeast in general.
At the same time, the crisis in Bangladesh has made the larger Hindu society realise its existential danger and the continuous persecution of Hindus everywhere across the world, thereby drawing their focus on the present state of affairs in Manipur. The demographic change in Manipur and the intentions behind it are now clear to all the right-minded people. The fact that the conflict is not merely “ethnic” has made the Hindu society aware of the impending danger and the plight of the Manipuri Hindus, making them further realise the potentialities of a similar scenario throughout the country, sooner or later.
The Hindu identity and civilisation in the Northeast have faced continuous attacks from Abrahamic forces. Conversion does not merely change religious identity but also the attitude and perception of a person towards everything that now seems different. The difference is scorned and often seen as an inimical force. It leads to fissures and hostility towards the other non-converted groups. This is exactly what has happened in the context of the Northeast since colonial times.
This has not only destroyed the centuries-old customs and civilisations of the people here but has also sown the seeds of permanent discord between the different communities in question. Conversions in the Northeast have given birth to communities detached from their cultural and historical past. Most of them, either directly or obliquely, try hard to deny any kind of linkage with the larger Hindu society and the Hindu identity. The acceptance and internalisation of a foreign faith have been at odds with the goal of political and cultural integration of these communities with the Union of India.
Going forward, the calcification of these attitudes renders any hope of integration and participation in the nation-building process difficult, thus ending up in the kind of instability we witness from time to time in the Northeast. Also, the difference in the outward appearance of people from the Northeast or their performance of certain rituals in obeisance to nature underwent a lot of change with the advent of foreign faiths in this region. Moreover, the ignorance on the part of larger Indian society and the stereotypical portrayal of this region through various mediums has further complicated the problem.
To address this issue, the youth of the Northeast needs to be integrated at the cultural and societal levels. Certainly, people’s religious identities cannot be altered easily. However, the current government’s emphasis on the various cultural and civilisational linkages to make the Northeastern youth a part of the larger Bharatiya identity is commendable. A strong emphasis on the similarities instead of differences can be the way forward to construct an inclusive identity. For this purpose, the three-language formula of language learning can be adopted.
Along with the mother tongue, any of the 22 official languages could be made compulsory for students to learn, and the English language can be ranked third in terms of preference. During the schooling years, there should be intercultural exchanges between the students of the Northeastern states and other states of Bharat to foster a better understanding of the various regional cultures of the country. It can let them adapt easily to the larger Indian society without feeling any sort of alienation in the later stages of development in life.
The cultural panorama of the Northeastern states, too, should be portrayed through both the mainstream media and social media to generate more awareness about the multi-faceted cultural dimensions of this region. In this regard, social media and other improved modes of communication can bring to the notice of the people the continuous onslaught on the indigenous people of Manipur, and the Hindus in particular. The platforms can be used to highlight the civilisational threat faced by a vast majority of Hindus across the country.
It will, in turn, put a lot of pressure on all political parties who want Hindu votes. It is certain that Hindus from Manipur, or anywhere else in the country, cannot be given a raw deal anymore. In this regard, the recent “Batoge toh Katoge” remark of Yogi Adityanath has resonated well with the vast majority of the Hindu population of our country. It has already shown its results in the political battlegrounds of Haryana and Maharashtra and is being manifested beautifully at present at the Mahakumbh, the biggest festival of Hindus at Prayagraj.
This awakening that our identity and existence are in grave danger is very much visible, and it is surely going to bring in more solidarity for the cause of the Manipuri Hindus, too, in the times to come. To further bolster this unity, the biggest confluence of Hindus ever in the recorded history of humankind, i.e. Mahakumbh, must be seen as a platform to strengthen the unity of the larger Hindu society across the world. Times are hard, but if we have survived this far, we will survive and thrive.
The Government of India must utilise the entire period of the President’s Rule in Manipur to not only flush out militants from the hills but also advance the Act-East Policy at all levels. Manipur stands at the fulcrum of Act-East. Hence, ensuring Manipur’s direct connectivity with the rest of Bharat in a hassle-free manner is all the more important. The more accessible the state becomes for other people to explore, the more will the entire Northeast see a growth of its potential in increasing people-to-people contacts at all levels.
As a part of the Act-East Policy, connecting the various Hindu places of pilgrimage in Manipur, like Koubru Leikha, Marjing, etc., through a dedicated religious circuit can help revive the perceivably feeble link between the indigenous traditions of Manipur and the larger Hindu society. A steady influx of tourists and dedicated tours to explore the unique traditions and rituals of these places and the history associated with them can not only help preserve many of these traditions but also provide the people of Manipur a larger canvas in front of the nation and the entire world.
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