Post-Galwan conflict, there has been a subtle but noticeable shift in India’s approach towards disputes in the SCS. In a marked departure from its balanced approach for the risk of irking China, for the first time at the 15^th EAS Summit, EAM Jaishankar remarked, “actions and incidents in the South China Sea erode trust and the ongoing negotiations on the proposed code of conduct should not be prejudicial to legitimate interests of third parties and should be fully consistent with the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS)”.

Alongside playing a proactive role, since 2020, India has increased maritime deployments in the SCS to strengthen military-diplomatic ties and enhance interoperability and cooperation with ASEAN nations. At the same time, India consciously stayed away from joint patrols or Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs) with the US Navy. India’s approach to the South China Sea has been guided by the Act East Policy and the Indo-Pacific vision to secure a safe regional architecture where nations can resolve disputes peacefully.

With high regard for ASEAN centrality, India has always believed that South East Asia can act as a ‘fulcrum’ connecting India and the Pacific Ocean. As expert Abhijit Singh of ORF observed, “A tendency to view the region through a prism of geopolitics and ‘balance of power' makes Indian decision makers wary of taking a stand on China’s aggressive posturing. Yet the costs of saying and doing nothing are rising for India as China’s firming grip over disputed territories in the South China Sea portends greater power projection in the Eastern Indian Ocean.” Instructively, the Chinese standoff along the LAC and increased naval presence in the IOR and Beijing’s military escalation in the West Philippines Sea brought India and the Philippines together.

Beijing’s aggressive expansionism in the SCS has made it the stormiest region in the Indo-Pacific theatre. With shared maritime concerns and Chinese aggression as the cornerstone of bilateral convergence, on PM Modi’s first state visit to the Philippines in 2017, the countries signed an MoU on defence cooperation and logistics. In 2019, countries signed an MoU on the sharing of white shipping information, and the Indian Navy joined the naval exercises with the US, Japan and Philippines for the first time in the SCS.

As Prof. Harsh Pant alludes, “the strengthening of maritime security ties between the two countries represents the highly interdependent security dynamics of the Indian Ocean and the greater South China Sea”. Close coordination between India and the Philippines is rooted in China’s “two-oceans strategy”, which aims to project greater power over Indo-Pacific. Beijing’s deepening military and economic engagements in IOR, its disruptive illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) in the Western Ocean Region, along with provocations close to the Western Philippines Sea, are pertinent offshoots of the same doctrine.

Apprised of Chinese adventurism and its threat to the regional security architecture, India and the Filipino Coast Guard signed an MoU on defence coordination in 2023 to intensify defence cooperation. The countries elevated the Joint Defence Cooperation Committee (JDCC) meeting to the Defence Secretary level in September 2024.

The Philippines is a country of about 7,600 islands. To effectively address China’s expansionism, Manila has unveiled the defence strategy- Comprehensive Archipelagic Defence Concept (CADC), which was operationalised in March 2024. In November, President Marcos signed the Maritime Zones Law and Archipelagic Sea Lanes Law to strengthen the government’s resolve to uphold rules-based order. A vital component of CADC is to strengthen maritime security ties with like-minded countries. Besides firming up ties with traditional partners like the US, Japan, Australia, the UK and Canada to maximise maritime security partnership with India, Manila held the first track 1 bilateral maritime dialogue in December 2024.

Catalysing the defence cooperation, which has become the most important pillar of the bilateral partnership, Filipino President Ferdinand R Marcos Jr arrived in New Delhi on August 4^th, for a five-day state visit at the invitation of PM Modi. Coinciding with his visit, navies of both countries held their first joint drill off the Philippines' Coast. Three Indian Navy vessels- INS Delhi, INS Shakti, and INS Kiltan, joined by Philippine frigates BRP Miguel Malvar and BRP Jose Rizal, conducted a two-day joint passage in the South China Sea, underscoring the growing bilateral maritime security cooperation.

The visit, the first ever by President Marcos Jr, marks 75 years of the establishment of diplomatic relations. Besides, the contemporary convergence of shared concerns, the bilateral relationship is rooted in mutual trust, respect, civilisational contacts, deep cultural bonds and shared democratic values anchored in the 1952 Treaty of Friendship. Accompanied by a delegation comprising cabinet ministers and businessmen, both leaders held delegation-level and restricted talks to review bilateral ties. Elevating the ties to a “Strategic Partnership”, leaders adopted a Plan of Action (2025-2029) to impart greater dynamism to the partnership. India is now the fifth strategic partner of the Philippines.

Hailing the partnership, PM Modi remarked, “India and the Philippines are friends by choice and partners by destiny. From the Indian Ocean to the Pacific, we are united by shared values. Ours is not just a friendship of the past, it is a promise to the future”. The bilateral ties received a massive boost with the delivery of the initial batch of BrahMos batteries to the Philippines in April 2024, positioning India as a credible defence partner. This has laid the foundation for the institutionalisation of bilateral defence mechanisms.

Keen on modernising the Philippines Armed Forces, President Marcos confirmed interest in procuring additional BrahMos missiles and other military equipment from India, a reflection of a growing regard for India's defence prowess post Operation Sindoor.

Furthering the cooperation under the MAHASAGAR (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions) vision, countries have decided to collaborate and cooperate in co-development, co-production of defence products to achieve self-reliance, establish a defence R&D and supply chain ecosystem. To this end, countries signed Terms of Reference to foster tri-services staff talks and for enhanced maritime cooperation between the Indian Coast Guard and the Philippine Coast Guard. Leaders have explored opportunities for cooperation in developing submarine infrastructure, ship design and naval modernisation.

Condemning the Pahalgam attack, the Philippines expressed interest in jointly working on counterterrorism, human trafficking, money laundering, and cyberthreats. Sides have signed a treaty on mutual legal assistance and a treaty on transfer of sentenced persons between the two countries.

Injecting a strategic dimension to the Plan of Action, countries sought to develop cooperation in political, defence, maritime security, trade and investment, science and technology, connectivity, people-to-people movement, and cultural exchanges. Indian investments in the Philippines, both direct and through third countries, stand at $5 billion. To unlock economic opportunities and expand investment and bilateral trade of $3.3 billion, leaders adopted the ToR for negotiations on the Preferential Trade Agreement (PTA).

The Philippines is currently serving as India’s Country Coordinator in ASEAN (2024-27) and is going to assume the Chairmanship of ASEAN next year. This coincides with India’s BRICS Chairmanship, creating multilateral cooperation opportunities. Extending India’s full support, PM Modi called for expediting the ASEAN-India Trade in Goods Agreement (AITIGA). Endorsing India’s status as top exporter of pharmaceuticals to the Philippines, countries agreed to enhance collaboration in healthcare, pharmaceuticals, ayurveda and traditional medicine.

Being a huge importer of oil, the Philippines intends to collaborate with India in biofuels, renewables, green hydrogen and oil exploration. Manila has also invited Indian investments in developing upstream oil and gas assets and infrastructure development- Roads, Rail and Air. In response to visa-free privileges for Indian tourists by the Philippines, India extended a gratis e-tourist visa for Filipino nationals for a year.

Philippines Unique Identifier System-PhilSys uses the MOSIP platform incubated at IIIT Bengaluru. Firmed up this collaboration, countries signed an MoU on cooperation in digital technologies. Alongside, countries signed the Programme of Cooperation for 2025-28 on tourism and a Statement of Intent on cooperation on peaceful uses of outer space. India invited the Philippines to join the India Information Fusion Centre for Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) and extended support to the Philippines in setting up Sovereign Data Cloud Infrastructure.

Enhancing cooperation between the ASEAN Outlook for Indo-Pacific and the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative for Peace (IPOI), countries reaffirmed their commitment towards upholding peace, stability and prosperity in the region. India, which considers SCS as part of the global commons, supports freedom of navigation, overflight in the region and expressed concern over coercive and aggressive actions in the region. New Delhi conveyed that the 2016 Arbitral Award, which is in tune with the obligations under the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), should be the basis for peacefully resolving disputes.  

President Marcos thanked India for permitting non-basmati rice exports to the Philippines when the country struggled with poor crop output and acknowledged India’s role as the first responder in any Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) operation. India offered to share the Gati Shakti Platform, and PM Modi talked about the Jan Aushadi system for low-cost distribution of generic medicines. PM Modi fondly recalled agritechnology cooperation between the two countries and the development of the hypoglycemic rice variety at the IRRI South Asia Regional Centre (ISARC), Varanasi, with the International Rice Research Institute in the Philippines.

Though the Philippines has a critical security alliance agreement with the US, considering Washington’s uncertain policies, Manila is preparing to act independently and diversifying its engagements for long-term security. Prioritising self-reliance, Marcos Jr, who has firmly resisted China’s military posturing, is keen on expanding and enhancing ties with India.

India’s warm embrace of the Philippines, an unmissable strategic message to Beijing, is a shot in the arm for India’s Act East Policy and Indo-Pacific vision for regional security amid shifting alliances and unpredictable global politics.

References

1. https://www.mea.gov.in/bilateral-documents.htm?dtl/39939/Declaration_on_the_Establishment_of_a_Strategic_Partnership_between_the_Government_of_the_Republic_of_India_and_the_Government_of_the_Republic_of_the_
2. https://www.mea.gov.in/bilateral-documents.htm?dtl/39940/List_of_Outcomes_State_Visit_of_the_President_of_the_Republic_of_the_Philippines_to_India_August_0408_2025
3. https://www.mea.gov.in/media-briefings.htm?dtl/39942/Transcript_of_Special_briefing_by_MEA_on_State_Visit_of_President_of_Philippines_to_India_August_05_2025