India is really dragged in a multi-front war. Just like two types of heat- manifest and latent, war is also of two types, one is declared and the other is undeclared war. What is going on in the entire stretch of LAC of India-China border is nothing but an undeclared war. And, this undeclared war is also going on throughout the LoC with Pakistan from the days of the Partition of India. This undeclared war has also deepened inside the borders of India. Organised religio-fundamentalist trans-border terrorism, Maoist guerilla warfare and secessionist insurgency in the North East India have assumed a form of disguised war. Added with these are international smuggling centering on gold, drugs and human trafficking of women and child. Moreover, the hidden agenda of foreign donation has been a potential threat to national security of India.

There are so many dimensions of these undeclared wars: ideological as well as strategic. That is why India has to confront this challenging war in multiple fronts, resisting undeclared and hidden war in one hand and preparing for a declared war any time anywhere along the long borders. From this perspective, an analysis on national security policy has been attempted. 

In the first place, it is a candid reality that India has no 'National Security Policy' till date. In 2007, the 'National Security Strategy' drafted by the Integrated Staff Defence was not approved by the then Cabinet Committee on Security of the Government of India. Later in 2018 the Modi Government has constituted a newly 'Defence Planning Committee' (DPC) with different members under the headship of the National Security Advisor. This committee didn't yet present any draft on national security policy.

'Ten Directional Paradigm'

In the context of the present expansionist Chinese aggression, the need of a strong, transparent and strategic national security policy is being felt more than ever. It is now very much an imperative to have a comprehensive security policy and its implementation. The factors on which a national security policy is being built can be summarised in 'Ten Directional Paradigm'. Here below the factors are discussed briefly. 

One, international situation. After the end of Bi-polar Cold War era of post-WW-II in 1991, the world politics was somewhat unipolar with the US hegemony. But with the rise of China as an economic powerhouse in the 21st century with its entry in WTO the unipolarity of world politics has ended. China is now the second largest military power commensurate with its economic status, which has not only transformed the world politics into multi-polarity but also made Asia the center stage of the world politics. 

Unlike the idealistic role played by earlier Indian governments in NAM during the Cold war era, India is now out of the idealistic trap under the Modi leadership as the Non-Aligned Movement has no relevance in the present multi-polar world. India is now poised to take a 'pole position' in Asia to lead against the Chinese expansionism. 

Here arise a few pertinent questions: What is the role of the United Nations in this multi-polar world? How far is it probable for the structural reforms of the UN Security Council? What would be the roles of UNSC permanent members regarding the permanent membership of India in SC? It is now crystal clear that the UN has failed to play its positive role in this multi-polar world. Five permanent members are not so eager to effect democratic reforms in the UN. China is dead against the Indian inclusion. 

In this scenario India has to play proactive roles by participating in different 'power clusters' both in Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and Central Asian Region (CAR) for the sake of her own national security. 

Two, surrounding situations. Beyond the immediate neighbouring countries, the most important region for India has been the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) covering Asian-African nations in the west and the South-East ASEAN nations in the east. In case of land areas, the Central Asian Region (CAR) assumes a strategic importance for Indian national security.

In case of IOR, India must exert her controlling power in Malacca Strait to enhance her national security. India had constituted her first theatre command in Andaman to resist increasing influence of Chinese naval power in the region. The 'Quad' of India, Australia, Japan and US has been going to take a definite shape to take on the expansionist China right from the South-China Sea to the East-China Sea and the IOR.

ASEAN nations are desirous to be led by India against the onslaughts of expansionist China and India needs to grab the opportunity for her own sake. This type of strategic involvement is also relevant in the Central Asian region through a partnership with Russia. And, this way would ensure the strategic interest of India in Afghanistan as a part of national security policy.

Three, neighbouring countries. Countering the Pak-China axis power is the main challenge of India. In the case of Pakistan, Indian strategy has already gone through a metamorphosis. Uri surgical strike and Balakot air strike have testified to it. But it is very difficult to take on China similar to Pakistan. Nonetheless a strategic counter-defensive policy to contain China is a must which is being enacted by the present Indian authority.

In the interest of national security, open borders between India and Bangladesh should be fenced without further delay. The same measure should be taken in the North-East borders of India and Myanmar to contain different insurgency groups backed by China. The Chinese instigation to flare up India-Nepal border disputes has to be countered patiently by India waiting for a right time. 

The present India government has reiterated its unblemished stand on the PoK and Gilgit-Baltistan as an integral part of India. The case should be the same for Aksai Chin. Now is the time for a right national map including those regions as a part of national security policy.

Four, foreign policy. Following historical legacy, the foreign policy of the Indian state has developed on the basis of democratic spirit, recognition of diversity and trustworthiness. Now India's goal has to be a 'leading global power'. Not the 'dominant power' like that of China, but India has to aspire to be a 'great power' whose basis must be on the value-based principles. And, this value-based foreign policy has both dimensions: soft and hard power.

Historically, Indian cultural and civilizational legacy of Hindu-Buddhist traditions had propagated to Tibet, China and Japan in one hand, and to all of South-East Asia on the other hand. So, the basis of Indian 'soft power' has been the 'Dharmic' tradition and legacy, which is founded on the principle of 'Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam'- 'World is a family'. Although the spirit of this principle is spiritual in nature, it is applicable in state affairs as long as other nations would follow it in letter and spirit. In this context the relevance of 'hard power' comes into play in that a state must always be prepared to face the onslaughts of other bully states on the principle of 'Ahimsa Paramo  Dharma; Dharma Himsa Tathaiva Cha'. A nation must build the capability of economic and military as well as strategic power to counter the aggressions of other nations on the same terms. 

In this perspective, India must play a strategic role in organizing different 'Regional Security Alliances' (RSAs) in different 'conflict zones' in Asia-Oceania region. 'Look East' policy has now been transformed into 'Act East' policy. But the Modi government should further transform it into 'Network East' policy so that India can build a security ring with ASEAN Plus nations minus China. And, this ring would be fenced by the emerging Quad- Quadrilateral Security Dialogue of India, Japan, Australia and USA.

In the same manner, India must change its 'One China' policy and adopt 'Two China' policy to counter China's repeated interference in India's internal matters on J&K and Ladakh. India should think not only over the mainland China and Taiwan, but also on 'Many Chinas' of Tibet, Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang provinces. Likewise, India should take a firm stand on the Baloch agitations in Pakistan to stall the CPEC plan of Pak-China. 

Five, diplomatic strategy. Although Chanakya's 'Arthashastra' had been the foundational basis of ancient Indian diplomacy, India in modern times has been hesitant in applying the Chanakya principles in diplomacy. In diplomacy there were two strategies enshrined in Arthashastra: one was 'Rajamandala', and the other was the principle of 'Sama-Dana-Bheda-Danda'. As per Rajamandala strategy, a state should treat its neighbouring states with 'blow hot, blow cold' principle and implement the Sama-Dana-Bheda-Danda principle accordingly. 

Diplomacy has almost always been 'transactional'. Give-and-take policy is the basis of this transactional relationship. India must adopt this 'Transactional diplomacy' and also use 'Epic diplomacy' by employing the strategies of two great Indian Epics. Ramayana and Mahabharata had been the historical basis of Indian relationships with so many countries from ancient times. Modern India must rebuild and modernize that historical legacy of cultural, trade and military relationships. 

Six, military power. The Indian Army has been the third largest military in the world. But, only two Theatre Commands on geographical basis could be built so far; the rest of seventeen unitary commands (Army-7, Air force-7 and Navy-3) have to be unified at the earliest. Hopefully, the Maritime Theatre Command (MTC) is going to be built as an integrated land-air-sea war-fighting machinery by the next year to look after the total coastline, islands and the entire Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and beyond. 

In today's world the unconventional war is far more important than the conventional war and the 'cyber war' plays a strategic role in unconventional wars. The 'space war' is also to be added in this warfare. So, India needs to update the 'National Space Policy' at the earliest into which the principles of cyber and space wars have to be integrated. 

Military power does not only depend on warheads but also on the mentality of the military force and the Indian force has proved their mettle so many times. Now is the time for the Indian political leadership to involve the military force in the highest echelon of policy-making mechanisms in national security affairs. And, the GoI should proceed to frame a 'National Military Policy' in the near future. 

Seven, internal situations. As a nation-state, India is a union. India didn't come into existence not as a contract among different constituting states. The states of Indian union have no constituent character. So, the basis of a national security policy is the union of India, not the individual states of India. 

Although the law and order is a state subject, but few reforms are needed from the holistic perspective of national security. It is now imperative to build two verticals of law police and order police systems separating law from order system so that the cases relating to national security can be judged efficiently and effectively. As per the directives of the Supreme Court and reports of the Police Reforms Commissions, a comprehensive police reform is the call of the day.

The template of centralized decentralization provided by the Disaster Management Act to take on the challenge of the Covid pandemic may be used to frame the outline of a national security policy. 

India needs to take on the anti-nationalistic forces of the ultra-left Maoist violence, Abrahamic conversion machinery and globalized terrorism, and secessionist insurgency head-on on the principles of 'inside is out, outside is in'. The present Modi government has been following this principle and the amendment in the Foreign Contributions Act has testified to that.

Eight, economic power. In respect to PPP, India is now the third largest economy and the fifth in terms of nominal GDP. The Indian market becomes a lucrative one. The current GST collections have been showing the trends of the recovery of the economy. Both the agriculture and industry sectors have shown positive trends in post-lockdown recovery. But the harshest effects of lockdown have been on the service sector. The mega cities and big cities would again serve as 'growth engines' for employment generations in services as and when they get back into normal conditions. 

In national security issues the economic power of a nation is a necessary condition but not a sufficient one. India must be an economic powerhouse to counter the constant challenges of the Pak-China axis. And, in this direction the reforms initiated by the GoI in agriculture, industry and labour areas would bear fruit in near future. 'Atmanirbhar Bharat' policy aims at the self-reliance as far as possible so that India may dictate terms on her own in relations with other nations in geo-strategic areas. So, an aspiring India is to collaborate with different regional and continental trade groups. 

Nine, governmental policy position. Safeguarding the national interest should be the only motto of the government policy on national security. The government must formulate security policies on the basis of national awareness of the public and here the principle may be the unified centralized decentralization. The present GoI has been following this principle in effecting various reforms in socio-economic areas. In national security issues also, the authority must not take into account any ideological position but a realistic pragmatic principle.

Ten, government strategy. For an effective national security, a pragmatic policy must be supplemented by commensurate strategic policy. 

Following the management theorist Henry Mintzberg's 5 P's of Strategy (1987)- Plan, Pattern, Position, Perspective and Ploy, the GoI must use strategic ploy to ensure national security. In that direction, the GoI has taken many decisions in the recent past and decided to issue a National Security Directive for the telecommunications sector through the National Cyber Security Coordinator with the National Security Committee few days ago.

The Indian government should make bilateral agreements with different nations on trade, economic and defence areas as many as possible as done with Vietnam very recently. 

Way forward

National security has been an inalienable condition for the existence of a nation. Just like a body, securing the territorial integrity of the nation has been the prime duty of a government. 

The Indian Government must counter the expansionist Chinese aggression and the terrorist Pakistani shadow war by formulating a national security policy on the basis of the above ten-directional paradigm and should build strategic relations with different nations to ensure a comprehensive national security.

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