General elections are scheduled in Pakistan on July 25. Proponents of democracy and Indo-Pak peace hope for fair elections there. At the same time, the jury is out on Modi led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government's Pakistan policy. From Kashmir to Kulbhushan Jadhav, the way India has handled the challenges posed to it have been scrutinized by observers. While the government had attempted to push for peace in its initial days, it has settled for a "no talks alongside terrorism" policy in the second half of its tenure. India has resorted to an aggressive campaign in all international fora to isolate Pakistan on its export of terror. In spite of this pragmatic approach, the Congress party has called the government's Pakistan policy is a 'failure'. 

Most analysts appearing on TV panels ignore the fact that a nation like India can maintain friendship only with civilized nations which adhere to basic principles of mutual respect. For such an attitude to emerge, Pakistan must have a strong civilian government which is guided by progressive principles and good intentions. To expect predictable and cooperative behavior from a rogue and decaying nation controlled by the army is not only unreasonable but also quixotic. In such circumstances, the best response that any Indian government can have for Pakistan is to not damage Indian interests while demonstrating an ability to retaliate for any aggression from across the border. 

The prevailing system in Pakistan is best explained by one of its former diplomats, Hussain Haqqani in his recent article in The Hindu. In his article he argued that the upcoming elections in Pakistan would not change the situation in Pakistan in any way. He wrote, "Whatever their outcome, Pakistan’s general election scheduled for July 25 is unlikely to change four fundamental realities." The four fundamental realities of Pakistan, according to Haqqani are 

• Nexus between military and corrupt politicians who wield power together, with the military having an upper hand
• Civilian politicians who justify incompetence and corruption using the spectre of army rule/intervention
• Jihadis and religious extremists will enjoy support of army and politicians in exchange for their support
• Pakistan's international isolation because of patronage for terrorism and economic woes will continue

Analysts and commentators conjure different views on the nature of Indo-Pak relations. Their calculations are based on parameters which include Kashmir, terrorism, domestic politics and historical humiliation inflicted by India in conventional wars. But the foundation of entire Indo-Pak conundrum lies in the essential characteristics of the Pakistani nation. Unless this foundation is ripped apart and an entirely new system is built in Pakistan, there will never be a permanent solution in the view of this author. This article tries to present dominant views on Indo-Pak relations while arguing that these are nothing but a subset of the fundamental rot at the core of Pakistani nationhood. 

The country-wise brief on foreign relations with Pakistan available on the site of ministry of external affairs is a good place to understand Indian perspective on its relationship with its neighbor. The document begins with the statement: "India desires peaceful, friendly and cooperative relations with Pakistan, in an environment free from terrorism and violence." This, in the view of a common observer is not too much to ask for. But those who wield power in Pakistan, as per Haqqani, derive it from these two elements i.e. terrorism and violence. Therefore, the whole proposition of peace and cooperative relations is a nonstarter.

One of the analysts who has perceived the fundamental nature of the Indo-Pak conflict is Ashley J Tellis. In his paper titled, Are India-Pakistan Peace Talks Worth a Damn? , he gets down to draw the contours of the fundamental asymmetries in Indo-Pak relationship. The paper is written with a view to influence American foreign policy regarding the Indo- Pak imbroglio. 

He claims that India is a confident power which accepts the existence of Pakistan. India, in his view is aiming at a 'great power' status and views China as its greatest competitor, thereby reducing the conflict with Pakistan as a distraction on its way to its intended destination. Meanwhile, Pakistani public is fed paranoia by its military in order to retain its power according to Tellis."Pakistan continues to use force, as well as jihadi terrorism, to achieve its strategic objectives of weakening India and securing political concessions," he observes. 

There are doves on both sides of the border who hope that the relationship in both India and Pakistan can normalize. This band is well known through their slogan 'Aman Ki Asha'. Unfortunately the ring leaders of this circus are some out of power former bureaucrats, inconsequential drama artists and actors who come in handy for public events and TV debates. Pakistani citizens who seek peace with India wield no or little power, whereas Indian citizens who hold a similar view cannot continue to do so in the face of Pakistani hostilities. Cricket, Bollywood and Music are instruments that are successful in keeping the peaceniks in good humor. But they have no potential to achieve anything more than what they have already achieved. The pragmatic ones who have realized the nature of Pakistani state know that unless the nature of the Pakistani state changes, no peaceful solution can be arrived on the basis goodwill alone. 

This view is well expressed by Col Vivek Chadha (Retd) of Institute of Defence Studies and Analysis (IDSA) in his article 'Return The Favor'. Chadha believes that Indo-Pak foreign policy can be run on the assumption that Pakistan can be eventually forced to change its mind or on the assumption that it will never mend its ways. According to Chadha the second assumption which has been proven time and again by Pakistan's behavior, "led to the conclusion that unless India could hurt the principal architect of Pakistan’s Kashmir policy, that is, the Army, terrorism would continue unabated, with only minor adjustments to tailor violence in response to the severity of Indian and international reactions." 

Chadha believes that diplomatic action of naming and shaming Pakistan is several fora and military action like surgical strikes are two instruments of achieving the goal of 'inflicting' damage on the Pakistani Army. Stopping talks was necessary move in order to draw a red line on the issue of terrorism in his view. India's new strategy has led to frustration in Pakistani establishment leading to more attacks on civilians on the Line of Controller (LoC). However, even this sort of managed conflict with tit for tat measures will continue perpetually under present circumstances. 

Another dominant opinion states that economic integration of India and Pakistan would eventually force each other to drop military and political rivalry resulting in peace. The dismal trade figures are cited as an area which needs improvement. Aman Ki Asha trope believes that utilizing this lever would not only serve as a uniting factor but also help in the fight against poverty. However this route seems to be clogged as positive gestures are largely one sided. It is important to highlight that India's most favored nation (MFN) status accorded to Pakistan has still not been reciprocated and bilateral trade has not crossed $ 3 billion in the past 4 four years. This confirms that the military-politician nexus is in no mood to hand in a leverage to India which could influence their behavior towards India.

The final and last hope for a pragmatic end to Pakistan's belligerence is touted be "international isolation", which translates to end of foreign support to keep Pakistan's economy and military alive. However, this approach is unlikely to materialize as both China and US are likely to flirt with Pakistan because of its strategic position in the region. In addition to this anxiety over safety of Pakistan's nuclear weapons has heightened the international communities’ interest in ensuring the sustenance of Pakistani state. The possibility of Jihadi seizure of nuclear weapons has in a way turned out to be a trump card in Pakistan foreign policy, which is often deployed by the establishment to demand recognition from international players. 

Every approach to resolving the Indo-Pak rivalry stops short of permanent peace because those wielding power in Pakistan do so precisely because of the existence of the manufactured "threat". In Tellis' words "its (Pakistan military's) efforts at protecting the “ideology of Pakistan” end up sustaining the perilous notion of a permanent Muslim resistance toward a “Hindu India.” In other words the "idea of Pakistan", as understood by its establishment is based on a visceral hatred for India. This "idea of Pakistan" is strong enough to resist pressure from its strongest ally US. 

Those who seek to evaluate the NDA government's Pakistan policy must understand the challenges that entail any government when they are dealing with a country which is unwilling to make peace. The best policy that any government at the center can have vis-a-vis Pakistan is that of eternal vigilance and measured aggression to deter it from venturing into misadventures. Therefore, no amount of concessions or goodwill from the Indian side on trade, Kashmir or any other parameter is likely to succeed in securing lasting peace with India. Indian establishment can only make Pakistan 'behave' through coercive levers until the nation reinvents itself structurally and ideologically. 

The BJP-led government must be congratulated for sticking to the principle of 'no talks alongside terror' and going for a cross border surgical strikes to signal its intolerance for cross border terrorism. In the case of Kulbhushan Jadhav, India's proactive approach in International Court of Justice has ensured that he is alive, even though he has not been released. The mass boycott of SAARC summit by all members of the grouping after Uri attack can be counted a diplomatic success. Though one can question the impact of these two measures, one can surely say that India's Pakistan policy cannot be termed a 'failure' in the prevalent scenario. The Modi government has sent the message that India will not play dead and accept the cycle of terror and talks which had been the norm under the Congress led establishment between 2004-14. 

The new government in Pakistan that comes to power after polls are concluded can note the policy of India under Modi, mend its ways and build bridges before the first term of Narendra Modi ends in 2019.