- Oct 24, 2026
- Lt Gen L N Singh (Retd)
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Manipur’s Expanding Conflict & Recommended Strategies
Manipur’s prolonged ethnic crisis has entered a dangerous new phase. What began on 3 May 2023 as a violent confrontation between the Meitei and Kuki communities has evolved into a wider conflict involving the Nagas. By mid-2026, and again in October 2026, the emergence of violent Naga–Kuki confrontations, alongside the killing of Meiteis by Kuki militants, had further inflamed an already fractured state. This has compounded the challenges facing both the state and the Centre. The crisis reflects a convergence of ethnic insecurity, the proliferation of armed groups, and the weakening of institutions that once connected Manipur’s diverse populations. From a Bipolar Conflict to Multiple Fronts The latest escalation has been particularly alarming because of renewed clashes between Nagas and Kukis. Since February 2026, clashes, abductions, and the burning of homes have transformed the security landscape. Nearly 60 people have reportedly been killed since beginning of this year. The latest escalation is the killings of three Meiteis by Kuki militants on 19 October. The renewed violence is not confined to isolated confrontations. What began as a local dispute between Nagas and Kukis in the general area of Litan soon spread west of the Imphal–Dimapur highway, remaining largely confined to that area for some time. In September and October, however, it spread east of the highway into Tangkhul areas, including Kamjong and Chasad. The killing of Meiteis by Kuki militants further reignited the Meitei–Kuki conflict. On 19 October 2026, at the Khongban Sunurok Uyok hill range near Nungsum village in Khundrakpam Assembly Constituency, Imphal East, along the Kangpokpi–Imphal East border, people who had gone to collect firewood were reportedly fired upon by Kuki militants. Three people were killed and three injured. Angered residents brought the bodies to the entrance gate of the Chief Minister’s official residence. Since then, Meiteis have been demanding justice. Land Disputes and the Availability of Weapons Among Groups in Talks with the Government At the heart of these confrontations lies a dispute over land ownership. The absence of accepted mechanisms for land demarcation and adjudication compounds the problem. Renewed violence has also encouraged the militarisation of local communities. The availability of weapons among groups engaged in talks with the government, as well as weapons reportedly brought from militant groups in Myanmar, has made it easier for local disputes to escalate into armed confrontations. Reports of beheadings, mutilation, abductions, and hostage-taking have further deepened mutual distrust. The result is a cycle in which attacks trigger retaliatory mobilisation, retaliation reinforces collective insecurity, and community pressure makes any conciliatory approach politically costly. The Government of India has Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreements with some militant groups. However, cadres belonging to these groups are reportedly permitted to retain sophisticated, military-grade weapons even after signing the agreements. SoO cadres are supposed to remain in designated camps. More than ten such camps are reportedly located in positions overlooking or dominating many of the approaches to the Imphal Valley. This raises an obvious question: why are cadres who have entered an agreement intended to support peace permitted to retain so many sophisticated weapons? The government also pays for camp maintenance and stipends. If these groups have entered the SoO process for peace, what purpose do their weapons serve, and against whom might they be used? Furthermore, how can the government be confident that these cadres will remain in their designated camps when security forces do not guard the gates or perimeter? The camps appear to operate on a system of trust. Such a model depends on compliance by the cadres; it cannot rely on trust alone. If the SoO framework is to be credible, the movement of cadres and the storage of weapons must be subject to effective oversight. According to local media reports, following the 19 October attack, the CRPF visited the Sanai SoO camp, located near the site of the attack. The camp was reportedly expected to house about 150 cadres. The CRPF allegedly found one listed cadres, and a small number of unlisted people were present. If accurate, this raises questions about compliance and whether similar issues may exist at other SoO camps too. The SoO framework therefore appears to have serious shortcomings and requires a fundamental review rather than automatic extension. Insurgent Fragmentation and the Myanmar Connection Manipur’s internal crisis cannot be separated from developments across the Myanmar border. The porous border offers armed groups opportunities for movement, shelter, and access to illicit arms supplies, although the precise role of individual networks in particular incidents require independent verification. The strategic significance is clear: instability in Manipur risks becoming entangled with cross-border insurgency, trafficking, and the changing security environment in Myanmar. It also threatens border trade and transport corridors, including the Moreh area, which is important to India’s connectivity ambitions in Southeast Asia. Governance Problems The conflict has increasingly impaired the functioning of the state itself. Officials from different communities may be unable to serve in areas perceived as hostile. This fragmentation undermines the impartial delivery of public services and weakens the state’s ability to exercise authority across its territory. The formation of a new government under Chief Minister Yumnam Khemchand Singh in February 2026, with Deputy Chief Ministers representing the Kuki and Naga communities, was an attempt to broaden political representation. Yet representation at the top cannot, by itself, overcome entrenched insecurity. Renewed violence, political differences, and a limited ministerial structure have continued to constrain effective governance. The Union government’s engagement, including the Chief Minister’s meetings with senior central leaders in October, signals recognition of the crisis. Nevertheless, repeated security deployments and political interventions have not yet produced a durable settlement. The Way Forward: Security Must Lead to Political Reconciliation During various discussions on resolving Manipur’s problems, many experts argue that dialogue among the various ethnic groups is the best approach. While dialogue is essential, meaningful talks require preparation, confidence-building, and a willingness to soften entrenched positions. This may require robust security operations to disarm armed cadres and prevent them from intimidating communities, alongside appropriate political and financial incentives. Immediate priorities include disarming, settlement of displaced people, removing so-called ‘buffer zones’, opening all roads to give freedom of travel, protecting vulnerable settlements, conducting credible investigations into killings and abductions, and enforcing the law impartially. Security operations must be accompanied by transparent communication to prevent rumours and collective reprisals from triggering further violence. Equally important is structured dialogue involving Meitei, Kuki, and Naga representatives, alongside civil society, women’s organisations, and local authorities with a view to restoring transport links, addressing buffer zones, enabling displaced people to return home, facilitating mixed-community administrative postings where feasible, and ensuring access to public services. This would help rebuild confidence in the state. New Delhi must also address the cross-border dimension through stronger border management, intelligence coordination, and cooperation against arms and narcotics trafficking, while recognising the limitations imposed by instability in Myanmar. A caution is that - in addressing Manipur’s crisis, those in power, sometimes, treat the mere absence of large-scale fighting as a return to peace. Recent events show how misleading that assumption can be. The state may appear outwardly functional while its communities remain separated by fear, its administration operates along ethnic lines, and its borderlands become increasingly vulnerable to armed actors. The central challenge is therefore not simply to suppress violence, but to restore a political and administrative order in which communities can coexist without relying on armed self-protection. Until that happens, Manipur’s conflict will remain a humanitarian tragedy and a significant strategic vulnerability on India’s eastern frontier.- Oct 21, 2026
- Rudra Dubey
