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Apr 02, 2025
YagnaSri

One Nation One Election Might be Electorally Counterproductive for BJP

This is in continuation of my initial article on the Sri Ramnath Kovid committee recommendations (https://myind.net/Home/viewArticle/seminal-recommendations-of-ramnath-kovind-led-committee-on-one-nation-one-poll) Since the last Lok Sabha elections, which yielded unexpected results, the main opposition party, the Indian National Congress, has revealed itself to be a deeply divisive political force, alarmingly pro-Jihadi, and openly antagonistic towards Sanatana Dharma. Since that time, it has become strikingly evident that the nation's principal opposition party, together with its numerous regional affiliates, is demonstrably intent on undermining the nation's stability through the advocacy of radical leftist economic doctrines, such as wealth redistribution and the promotion of policies openly antagonistic toward the Hindu population. Rahul Gandhi's endorsement of caste divisiveness is patently illegal and unconstitutional. A closer examination of the fundamental concept underlying the "One Nation One Election" initiative is necessary to properly analyse the complex interplay of political and national security concerns stemming from recent events. We will likely encounter many unforeseen challenges and difficulties that we must address in the coming days. As Bharat's economic strength expands with its technological and military capabilities, the determination of external forces to sabotage Bharat's progress and maintain their global dominance will only increase. In terms of purchasing power parity, by 2022, our economy had already reached approximately 40% of the size of the United States economy. It also boasted the highest growth rate among all major global economies. It is inconceivable that the pressures of international forces will permit the continuation of this situation. Given Bharat's robust nuclear capabilities, encompassing a robust nuclear trident, any direct kinetic military action is strategically unfeasible and too dangerous to undertake. But they can destabilise Bharat from within with their paid brown sahibs. Similar events have unfolded, and a much larger-scale manifestation is projected to follow. In a clear display of allegiance, Rahul Gandhi and his allies have publicly sided with these global interests. There is also a significant weakness in the political presence of the BJP. The BJP's current political dominance is confined mainly to India's vast western, central, and northern Gangetic plains. In the Eastern states, barring recently won Odisha, and in the South, they are significantly weaker. Even in the areas where the party is quite strong, there is a significant Muslim population in many seats. There are also serious and long-entrenched caste divisions, making it hard for the BJP to create a united Hindu vote bank a challenging task. Due to these, the BJP needs to have a strike rate of 90% in the seats, which it can practically win to attain a majority of its own. That is what it essentially did in 2014 and 2019. In 2024, it failed mainly in UP and Maharashtra very severely. It could not get a 90% strike rate in other small states like Haryana. As already stated, the meticulously crafted strategy employed by internal and external adversaries of Bharat in the 2024 elections has, to a considerable degree, successfully dismantled the BJP, particularly within the pivotal states of Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh, achieving a key objective. Consequently, the BJP saw increased support in various states, including Telangana and Odisha, but fell short of anticipated success in key states such as Maharashtra and UP. The party could not secure a majority in the Lok Sabha. With almost all opposition parties bent on destroying Bharat joined forces, any loss of power at the national level is no longer an option and will result in significant and irreversible damage to the Bharatiya civilisation itself. One can argue that the proposed increase in seats after the census and delimitation may increase the seats in many areas where the BJP is presently strong. While it may be true, as already discussed, there is also a significant Muslim population and caste divisions in the same areas. So, unless proper gerrymandering is done in these areas, the BJP's current weaknesses will persist. It is impossible to do so, as the delimitation work will be carried out by a commission headed by a Judge. In light of the above, if ONOE is implemented without any thought to ensure the BJP continues to be in power, it may lead to significant problems for the BJP. ONOE, with Assembly and Parliament elections held simultaneously, will present a massive and single target to the Breaking India forces. The experience of 2024 has shown how they managed to narrowly stop the BJP's return to power. Secondly, it was repeatedly observed that the BJP will get its best results when the elections are held based on national-level issues and at the national level. If the fight is divided state-wise, the INC and the various regional parties allied with it will significantly threaten the BJP's efforts to win the majority in the Lok Sabha. The results of 2004, wherein the BJP lost most surprisingly, are a prominent example of this. In ONOE, it will be harder for voters now to distinguish between national elections and state-level issues. The chances of elections being fought on state-level problems are higher. As a national party, the BJP and its workers naturally highlight national matters more. As State elections indicate, voters looking for solutions to state-level issues most of the time are not in favour of voting for the BJP. A tight fight will present a significant disadvantage to the BJP. Thirdly, Articles 355 and 356 are critical to ensure national security and law and order. What will be the fate of these two articles if ONOE is implemented? While the BJP does not favour using these articles, they are very much constitutional and even the Supreme Court, in Bommai's judgment, did not hold them unconstitutional. So, a detailed discussion on this issue is necessary if ONOE is to be implemented. Fourthly, the present anti-defection law today may also present a significant issue after ONOE. As suggested, a mandatory constructive no-confidence motion will ensure that there is no need to dissolve the house to seek fresh elections for the remaining period. However, the provisions of the anti-defection law create disqualifications for legislators, fresh polls, etc. It will also result in litigations, etc, and profound political uncertainty. The anti-defection law has already become facetious, with speakers acting in a blatant partisan manner. As such, in an ONOE situation with a mandatory constructive no-confidence motion, removing the entire corpus of anti-defection laws would be better. Legislators should be free to elect their leaders in the House without outside party bosses threatening them with disqualification. Fifthly, any defeat in an ONOE may be catastrophic, as the chances of the BJP losing both in the states and the Lok Sabha simultaneously are much higher. The system will present the BJP with a defence in depth, and it can learn and adapt and win state assembly and Lok Sabha seats. The most recent examples are the results of the recent Haryana, Maharashtra, and Telangana elections for the assemblies and the Lok Sabha. In any case, the main issue initiated by a proposal for ONOE is the problems of state assembly elections that are going on at different intervals. The proposed solution is to bring all the State assembly elections at once and conduct the Lok Sabha elections simultaneously. It is logical to combine both on the same day, except to reduce the costs, and it would also be administratively easier. However, clubbing of all the assembly and Lok Sabha elections will result in various issues, as mentioned above. One possible solution is to conduct all assembly elections at once and conduct Lok Sabha elections after some time, say, six months or a year. While this will result in additional costs requiring more administrative work, it will result in more clarity in election campaigns and enable people to examine and vote on the issue more informedly. It will also help the BJP to get a majority in the Lok Sabha more easily. Recent Telangana elections show how people will vote in state and national elections, and the BJP benefited greatly. One of the significant problems in passing any ONOE constitutional amendments is the serious opposition from regional parties, which do not have both the assembly and parliament elections simultaneously. However, they may not oppose it much if there is a gap of six months or a year between the two. They may even help pass the constitutional amendments, which require a two-thirds majority.

Apr 02, 2025
B S Murthy

Manmohan Singh: A Self-Serving 'Yes Man'

Dr. Manmohan Singh referred to as Doctor Saheb by his acolytes and castigated by his critics as the one who denigrated the prime ministerial position as Sonia Gandhi’s proxy, was wont to maintain that history would be kinder to him. Maybe he could’ve breathed his last in that fond hope and soothing belief, though without reckoning the Shakespearean adage that ‘the evil that men do lives after them; the good is oft interred with their bones’. Be that as it may, as his life and times were tied with the Congress Party that eventually came under Sonia’s grip, so to speak, his obituary cannot do away with either, and here it is for history. While it was Annie Besant, the English woman, who helped the Congress form, Sonia Gandhi aka Antonio Maino, the Dame de Italian, could cause its eventual liquidation. If not the maturity of the Indian electorate, at least the public allergy to the Congress’s insensitivity to the national ethos that she infused into her party apparatus could ensure that, and as and when that happens, it could be one of the many ironies of the chequered history of Hindustan. And for her part, even though Sonia has been unwittingly carrying on her man’s ‘work in progress’ of making the congress coffin for years, yet, seemingly, it is their uninspiring son, who is probably destined to finish the job and put the final nail in it as well. Let it be, but what about the man who had unashamedly served Sonia’s devilish cause as her proxy premier for a decade? In his belated address to the nation, as its Prime Minister, while dealing with the populist measures ushered in by him, ostensibly ordained by Sonia to pave the prime way for her son, he had no qualms in appropriating to himself the 1991 economic reforms that were indeed fathered by his mentor PV Narasimha Rao. If anything, that was true to his character. But for Rao, who fostered him, by now he would have been a forgotten ex-governor of the Reserve Bank of India, one amongst many before him, not to speak of those who succeeded him. What would a decent man’s morality demand when his patron saint falls on bad times? Maybe, to leave the sinking boat is fine for a careerist politician, but desertion wouldn’t be the in for any decent guy in his position, and that’s what human morality is all about. But what did the wily Sardarji do? With his mentor in dumps, he visualised greener pastures for himself in the shade of Sonia’s Bofors-tainted pallu. Well, it calls for no genius to foresee that the political dispensations of NDA ‘n UPA would have alternate reigns on the musical chair of the Dilli kursi and that when the latter’s turn comes; Sonia’s ‘foreign origin’ handicap would force her to concede the prized seat to someone else from her party ranks. So what did the great survival artist do? Not only did he distance himself from his lost-out mentor, but he unreservedly played the second fiddle to Sonia. Having privately ingratiated himself to her in every conceivable manner, he publicly declared that he’s not a ‘prime ministerial material’ in an idiot box interview, not once, but twice, that was in case her ears fail to pick that up in the first instance. By the same token, Pranab Mukherjee paid the price for throwing his hat into the prime ministerial ring, presumably owned by the pseudo-Gandhis, not once but twice. But then, what to make out of all that? If he was secretly coveting the gaddi while publicly averring that he was not up to the mark, then he was cunningly self-serving. And if he genuinely believed that he was not ‘prime ministerial material’ and still grabbed the job, then he was morally dishonest. Either way, he’s not a man of intellectual integrity or someone with moral conviction and /or both, for which India has paid the price for having had him as its spineless head for two decades. Maybe, he wouldn’t have coveted money for himself, but all the same time, he served Sonia’s covetous causes and shamed the position of the Prime Minister, of the largest democracy on earth. That's what made Modi famously characterise him as the one blessed with the art of bathing with a raincoat on him! That’s not all; besides being servile to Sonia, the way he clung to his powerful seat, rendered powerless by her, disregarded by his own bureaucrats, disobeyed by his cabinet members, and humiliated by Rahul, he has ensured a premier place for himself in the Indian Hall of Infamy. But as he never seemed to have minded about his self-inflicted fate, he only should have known to what avail. And to cap it all, when his mentor’s mortal remains were being abused by the vengeful Sonia, who never forgave Rao for daring to cut her dynasty to size, he turned his shameless head the other way. Such was the personal character, political ethos, and the morality of mind of this cunning man, who had conned India as the benign face of Sonia’s rākshas regime. Hence, Sanjaya Baru should have known better not to name his book on his times with him as The Accidental Prime Minister, which title befits only PV Narasimha Rao, for when the call came from the just-widowed Sonia, he had already packed his bag and baggage to move into his political vanaprastha, and not his ex-deputy, who had been cunningly paving his servile path to 7 RCR. Whatever, one may not be in any doubt as to how kind history would be to the Doctor Saheb, who not only enslaved himself to Sonia Gandhi but also subordinated his prime ministerial position to her extra-constitutional authority to Indian democracy’s hurt.