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Apr 21, 2025
Vladimir Adityanaath

Erased in Silence: The Systematic Purge of Hindu Educators in Bangladesh

Prelude Persecution, discrimination and various other atrocities like murder, torture, extortion, rape and coercion to convert the native Hindu minority population of Bangladesh are not mere individual events, but a major component of a well-planned strategy to kill, convert or drive them away from their ancestral lands. Islamists use slurs like Malaun (cursed by Allah), Kafir, agents of India or R&AW agents to refer Hindus. The systematic persecution of Hindus in Bangladesh dates back to the colonial period. Academicians and veteran journalists like Dr. Richard Benkin, Kalyan Chaudhuri, Wardatul Akmam, Sabyasachi Ghosh Dastidar and Jaideep Mazumdar have termed the near-century-long atrocities as a vital component of a genocidal campaign against Hindus orchestrated by Islamists. After the fall of the coalition government headed by Sheikh Hasina on 5th August, Islamists have been systematically targeting Hindu educators in renowned schools and colleges across Bangladesh, attempting to remove them from their designations. With the covert and occasionally overt backing of political parties and Islamist organisations like Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Hefajot-e-Islam, Muslim extremists are orchestrating “protests” demanding the resignation of Hindu educationists. Fabricated grievances and misinformation are being used to mobilise crowds, with criminals and party goons forming a significant portion of the protestors. At least 60 Hindu educators were forced to resign between 5th August and 1st September, 2024 [1] [2] [3]. Over 100 Hindu public servants have either been forced to resign or dismissed from their jobs by the unelected interim government of Bangladesh [4]. Islamists and the unelected interim government of Bangladesh are pursuing a policy of removing Hindus from the educational and public sectors. This would allow Islamists to radicalise young Muslim students and target impressionable Hindu students for conversion. If Hindus have minimal representation at the State level, it would make the pursuit of justice for victims near-impossible for the victims. Aggressors would find it extremely easy to convince an Islamised administration to turn a blind eye towards the atrocities on the remaining 1.3 crore (13 million) Hindu population of Bangladesh. KantiLal Acharya, the former Acting Headmaster of the Bhatiari Haji Tobarak Ali High School is the latest victim of this purge. [2] The orchestrated protests and demands for resignation In late 2019, Hindu educator Liton Das was forced to resign from his post in the same educational institution on highly suspicious charges, lacking any evidence. Bhabana Acharya, the daughter of KantiLal Acharya, recalls that he was framed by local Islamists [5]. KantiLal Acharya had an excellent teaching career spanning over 35 years and is well-respected by the students he taught. On 15th April, KantiLal Acharya Ji was accused of misconduct, bias, and the allegations included violation of the due process for appointing the President of an ad-hoc committee responsible for running the school. As per the educational guidelines of the school, the acting principal has no role in the appointment of the President of the school administration committee. Though there is no evidence of KantiLal Ji violating the guidelines and overstepping his authority either, they demanded his resignation. Other teachers of the school and eyewitnesses claim that local Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) leaders and activists had a grudge against the appointed President, Mahiuddin Ahmed, Acting Headmaster KantiLal Acharya, Senior Teachers Harun-Al-Rashid and Zafar Ahmed. KantiLal Ji was forbidden from going to school and resuming his duties by some of his fellow teachers and authorities, who warned that he could be humiliated. Mahiuddin Ahmed being a member of Jamaat-e-Islami, Hindumisia (hatred for Hindus) can be the only possible explanation of why the life and dignity of only the Hindus were under threat. His daughter Bhabana Acharya says that KantiLal Ji had refused to bow down under pressure, saying that he is innocent and the allegations against him are baseless. Asking why should he escape like a corrupt person, he had demanded evidence of the allegations levelled against him [6]. A mob of 139 people, consisting of only 6-7 students who were members of the student wing of BNP and Islamists having no association with the high school, detonated crude petrol bombs inside the school premises on 16th April. Humiliating the only Hindu, KantiLal Ji, a senior teacher, as a Dedaiya Halarfoya (a vulgar religious slur against Hindus in the local dialect of Chattagram commonly used by Islamists), they demanded his resignation. The so-called protestors had attempted to force KantiLal Ji to sign a pre-prepared resignation letter, which stated that he had committed malpractice and was resigning on his own free will. Despite being harassed and manhandled, the aged Professor had remained undaunted. After hours of harassment and he was forced to sign another resignation letter stating that he was resigning for “personal reasons”. The Islamists had even attempted to physically attack him. During this scuffle, one of the close associates of Mahiuddin Ahmed, who was standing next to Kanti Lal Ji received grievous skull injuries. Bhatiari Union BNP President Nurul Anwar had claimed that KantiLal Ji was forced to resign under the pressure of an agitated public. He says that “extensive charges of corruption” have been levelled against him. Mohammad Fakhrul Islam, Upazila Nirbahi Officer (UNO), reportedly told the News agency Prothom Alo that he is leading a probe committee comprising the advisory members of the Chattagram Secondary and Intermediate education in this regard [7]. Resignation letter obtained from KantiLal Acharya Most of the students who were taught by KantiLal Ji were extremely supportive of him and claimed that all the allegations against him were baseless. Ironically, none of the three muslims accused alongside him were forced to resign. References: [1]https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.newindianexpress.com/amp/story/world/2024/Aug/21/the-new-normal-journalists-detained-hindu-teachers-forced-to-resign-in-bangladesh [2] https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.indiatoday.in/amp/world/story/hindu-teachers-principals-forced-resignation-bangladesh-viral-videos-taslima-nasreen-2591679-2024-09-01 [3]https://www.google.com/amp/s/organiser.org/2024/08/21/252776/world/asia/islamisation-of-educational-institution-in-bangladesh-islamists-force-100s-of-hindu-teachers-professionals-to-resign/amp/ [4] Reports compiled by local Hindu organisations [5] Victim testimony of Bhabana Acharya [6] https://www.facebook.com/share/v/17nBctgddE/ [7] https://en.prothomalo.com/bangladesh/local-news/j6f0z672ld All the images are provided by the author.

Apr 21, 2025
Dr Ryan Baidya

When the State Fails, the Nation Must Act: Protecting Innocents Amidst West Bengal’s Communal Violence

In 2025, India stands at a moral and constitutional crossroads. Reports of targeted violence against Hindu communities in districts such as Murshidabad and Bhangar in West Bengal, including allegations of killings, forced displacement and destruction of property, present a chilling portrait of state failure. When the government of a state appears either unwilling or unable to protect its citizens, or worse, is complicit in their persecution, the foundational duty of the Union must activate. This is not a matter of political preference. It is a question of constitutional obligation and moral necessity. The Constitutional Mandate: Duty above Discretion India’s federal structure, though designed to preserve state autonomy, never envisioned that autonomy as a barrier to protecting human life. The Constitution of India provides clear authority to the central government to intervene during moments of internal disorder and state failure: Article 355: Obligates the Union to protect every state against external aggression and internal disturbance. Articles 256 and 257: Empower the Union to issue directions to states to ensure constitutional compliance and coordinate governance. Article 356: Authorises the imposition of President’s Rule if a state government fails to operate in accordance with constitutional principles. These provisions are not merely administrative. They form the legal scaffolding for national intervention when human dignity and public order are at stake. To delay action under the pretext of procedural caution is to allow violence and fear to reign unchecked. The Responsibility to Protect (R2P): A Universal Moral Imperative The international community has long recognised that sovereignty cannot be an excuse for inaction in the face of mass atrocities. The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, endorsed by the United Nations in 2005, places the burden of protecting citizens from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity primarily on the state. But when the state fails, that burden passes to others—whether other states or, in India's case, the central government. Though R2P is most often applied in the context of cross-border interventions, its ethical framework is equally applicable within national borders. The Indian Union, in this context, is the ultimate guarantor of constitutional and humanitarian order. When the Host State Is Complicit: The Case for Proactive Intervention What happens when the state, far from being a passive observer, is a tacit enabler of violence? In such moments, asking for permission to protect life becomes absurd. If the host state cannot or will not act, it must not act as a gatekeeper to humanitarian response. Neighbouring states and the central government should not wait for clearance or invitation. The moment violence breaks out and credible reports of inaction or complicity emerge, they must put boots on the ground to save lives and protect property. This is not an act of aggression—it is an act of national responsibility. Waiting for permission from a rogue or failed state authority is both illogical and unethical. It amounts to asking the arsonist if help can be sent to put out the fire. Neighbouring States’ Role Neighbouring states are not passive observers. They share cultural, geographic, economic and human ties with border districts. If innocent lives are at risk just across the border, and evidence suggests that the local government is either turning a blind eye or supporting the violence: Emergency shelters, medical aid, and evacuation routes should be prepared immediately. Law enforcement and special task forces may be sent to assist, particularly if mobs are crossing borders or fleeing into those states. If coordination fails, a unilateral moral action to cross administrative boundaries to save lives—akin to humanitarian intervention—must be considered. The Central Government’s Role The Union government is not just another actor in this arrangement—it is the guardian of constitutional morality. Articles 355 and 356 are not dormant lines in a dusty legal book—they are trigger clauses for when federalism fails. When a state tacitly supports violence, the central government must: Bypass procedural delays in urgent life-and-death situations. Send paramilitary forces or deploy the Army under a temporary humanitarian command. Immediately initiate a probe to document the violence for legal accountability. Prepare to impose if systemic failure is verified. Justifications for Immediate Action: Legal: Under Article 355, the Union has a constitutional duty to protect citizens from internal disturbances. Moral: When silence enables death, intervention becomes a moral imperative. Historical: The 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the 2020 Delhi riots stand as tragic examples where delayed or absent intervention allowed mass suffering. We must not repeat those failures. Federal: Cooperative federalism includes protecting the Republic itself. If one part is bleeding, the others cannot stand by. This includes: Deployment of paramilitary or Army forces under emergency humanitarian protocols. Creation of refugee corridors and relief camps in neighbouring states. Immediate documentation of crimes and preparation for judicial inquiries. Consideration of President’s Rule or other emergency steps if governance collapse is verified. This is not about authoritarian overreach—it is about defending democracy when its guardians fail. A Model of Proactive Federalism and Oversight To preserve the democratic ethos, any intervention must be: Time-bound, to avoid long-term central overreach. Transparent, with regular reports to Parliament and judicial monitoring. Proportional, using only the force necessary to protect life and restore order. Accountable, with mechanisms to return power to democratic institutions once normalcy is restored. States should not merely react once the crisis is over. They must prepare preventive cooperation pacts, intelligence sharing, and rapid humanitarian task forces, much like how disaster relief operates. Lives lost due to bureaucratic delay are lives lost to cowardice. National Honour Demands National Action India’s identity as a secular, democratic republic is hollow if it cannot protect its citizens from targeted violence. Procedural fidelity cannot be used to cover moral failure. The time has come for India to embrace decisive compassion, one that prioritises lives over legal red tape. Let the message ring clear from the corridors of Delhi to the towns of Bengal: The Republic will not stand idle as its people bleed. The Constitution empowers the Union not just to govern, but to protect. To delay is to be complicit. Let us act—firmly, legally, and ethically—before another child is orphaned by our indifference, before another home is burned while we debate technicalities. References Constitution of India. Articles 355, 356, 256, and 257. https://legislative.gov.in/constitution-of-india. United Nations General Assembly. “2005 World Summit Outcome.” A/RES/60/1, paras. 138–140. September 2005. Sharma, Arvind. Hinduism and Human Rights: A Conceptual Approach. Oxford University Press, 2004. Ministry of Home Affairs. Annual Reports on Communal Incidents in India, 2022–2024. Government of India. Noorani, A.G. Constitutional Questions in India: The President, Parliament and the States. Oxford University Press, 2000.

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