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Oct 15, 2025
Viren S Doshi

Caste Weaponisation and Calculated Vetoes: A Double Whammy of Newsom’s Vetoes for Hindu Americans

Overview In the United States, the Hindu American community—roughly two-thirds of the 5 million Indian American population—faces a contentious battle over caste, an obsolete social hierarchy that has been left behind by reformist and progressive Hindu People in India and in all places, including the USA, where they live and work, barring negligible sporadic incidents. To label all White Americans as White Supremacists and to label all Germans as Nazis at present is wrong, specifically after serial measures towards liberty and fraternity. Similarly, labelling Hindus as casteist is malicious, specifically after serial reforms and affirmative actions by Hindu Society. Leftists have been “weaponising” caste narratives to vilify Hindus just as they vilify American and German Conservative Nationalists by calling them racist and Nazi. California’s Left-leaning Democrat Governor Gavin Newsom’s vetoes of Senate Bill 403 (SB 403) in 2023 and Senate Bill 509 (SB 509) in 2025 are political moves to court Hindu American voters and to mobilise funds from Hindu American Donors. The resultant vetoes create a “double whammy effect”: amplifying caste debates for ideological leverage and then luring Hindu Americans for electoral gains. This article explores the anti-Hindu bias of the leftists, the political underpinnings of vetoes and their impact on diaspora dynamics. For more, check-https://myind.net/Home/viewArticle/weaponising-caste-the-divisive-campaign-against-hindu-americans-across-the-us Understanding Caste and Its “Weaponisation” Caste is a traditional social system tied to occupation and ritual status. Though caste based negative discrimination has been outlawed in India’s constitution, leftists and other anti-Hindu forces (including in the U.S.) keep on harping on this with malicious intentions. “Weaponisation” here implies the strategic use of caste issues by political actors—not to address genuine inequities, if any remaining, but to divide communities or score political points. Hindu advocacy groups, like the Hindu American Foundation (HAF) and Coalition of Hindus of North America (CoHNA), expose leftist organisations for framing caste as a weapon, fostering “Hinduphobia” (anti-Hindu bias) and profiling and stigmatising the community. The U.S. Caste Debate: Leftist Push vs. Hindu Pushback The drive to tackle so-called “caste discrimination” in the U.S. has gained momentum in recent years. Seattle became the first city to ban non-existent “caste-based discrimination” at the behest of leftist propagandists in 2023, followed by Fresno. A high-profile 2020 Cisco lawsuit was ultimately dismissed without any evidence supporting the fabricated allegations. Leftist groups like Equality Labs and Hindus for Human Rights have so far failed in their malicious efforts. They allied with terrorist coalitions and some Democratic lawmakers to push legislation like California’s SB 403. HAF and CoHNA explained that these bans are unnecessary, as existing laws covering ancestry and religion already address caste discrimination, if any sporadic incidents occur. They argued that focusing on caste unfairly singles out Hindus, overlooking its presence across South Asian faiths (e.g., among Muslims or Christians) and its existence as socio-occupational groups elsewhere. HAF highlighted the methodological flaws in Equality Labs’ survey data. Newsom’s Vetoes: Political Calculus Governor Gavin Newsom, a Democrat with larger ambitions, vetoed these bills opposed by Hindu groups, fuelling suspicions of vote-catching tactics to appease Hindu American donors and voters — a key demographic in California’s swing districts / purple suburbs. SB 403: The Caste Ban Veto (2023) Introduced by Senator Aisha Wahab (D-Hayward, the first Afghan American Muslim state senator), SB 403 aimed to explicitly add “caste” to California’s anti-discrimination laws (covering employment, housing, and education) under the umbrella of “ancestry.” Passed 31-5 after intense advocacy, including a month-long hunger strike by Equality Labs’ Thenmozhi Soundararajan, the bill faced fierce opposition. HAF and CoHNA organised protests, explaining that it stereotyped Hindus and duplicated existing protections. A lawsuit by two Hindu professors against California State University’s caste policy also underscored the community’s resistance. On October 7, 2023, Governor Newsom vetoed SB 403, calling it “unnecessary” since courts “liberally construe” ancestry and religion protections to cover caste, though he endorsed non-existent “casteism” to the detriment of the Hindu American Community and its adverse consequences, but prioritised avoiding redundancy. Behind the scenes, Indian American Democratic donors who raised millions for Biden-Harris campaigns lobbied Newsom, warning the bill could alienate Hindu voters and strain U.S.-India ties (vital amid tensions with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)-occupied China). Republican senators, like Brian Jones, also cited business risks. A Washington Post analysis (November 2023) highlighted a 27-member Hindu/Jain/Buddhist/Sikh congressional caucus formed to block federal caste laws, signalling bipartisan pressure. The veto was portrayed as a win for Hindu groups, with HAF calling it a “victory for civil rights” against divisive rhetoric, but even amid the elation, the community realises that this is a kind of double whammy politics. Stereotype the community first and then lure by retraction of the onslaught after adequate damage and profiling, the aggressor turning into a saviour. Community is not gullible, though exchange of pleasantry is done as usual courtesy. SB 509: The Transnational Repression Veto (2025) In 2025, SB 509, introduced by leftist Democrat Senator Anna Caballero (D-Merced), mandated training for law enforcement through the Office of Emergency Services (OES) and Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST) Commission to identify “transnational repression” — foreign governments targeting dissidents abroad, often via proxies. Building on 2024’s failed Assembly Bill 3027 (by Sikh Assembly member Jasmeet Bains), it referenced cases like the 2023 killing of Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Pakistan-backed Khalistani terrorist in Canada. Hindu groups, led by CoHNA, opposed SB 509, saying its vague “proxies” language could unfairly target Indian Americans amid rising anti-Hindu hate (up for four consecutive years, per FBI data). They feared it would chill diaspora advocacy and harm U.S.-India relations, especially given strategic ties countering CCP-occupied China. Pro-Khalistani groups supported the bill, seeking protection from alleged Indian harassment. On October 13, 2025, Newsom vetoed SB 509, citing fiscal concerns and overlap with federal efforts. CoHNA celebrated it as preventing a “target on immigrant communities”, the community taking note of this double whammy pattern of politics. The “Double Whammy” Effect Both vetoes reflect political triangulation. Governor Newsom balanced leftist priorities (e.g., signing gun safety laws alongside the SB 403 veto) with appeasement of Hindu donors, who wield significant influence in California (800,000 Indian Americans) and nationally. Former Federal Election Commission chair Ann Ravel linked the SB 403 veto with vote flow and fund flow from Hindu American voters and donors, a pattern echoed in SB 509. By rejecting bills that Hindu groups viewed as anti-Hindu, Governor Newsom not only neutralised community backlash but also lured votes and funds from the Hindu American Community while allowing leftists to claim visibility for their causes without new laws. This “double whammy” amplifies divisions for political gain while securing Hindu votes for Newsom’s 2028 ambitions. Veto Comparison SB 403 (2023) and SB 509 (2025) Focus SB 403 - Add “caste” to anti-discrimination laws under “ancestry.” SB 509 - Train police to spot transnational repression by foreign agents/proxies. Supporters SB 403 - Equality Labs, leftist coalitions. SB 509 - Khalistani terrorism proxies. Opponents SB 403 - HAF, CoHNA (Focus on stigmatising of Hindus). SB 509 - Hindu/Indian groups (targets diaspora as “proxies”). Newsom’s Political Takes SB 403 - Unnecessary; covered by existing laws. SB 509 - Fiscal concerns; duplicates federal efforts. Leftist Political Gains and Hindu Losses - Double Whammy Pattern Appeases and lures Hindu American donors/voters. Balances leftist rhetoric by endorsing their divisive politics indirectly Impact and Ongoing Tensions (as of October 2025) Governor Newsom’s vetoes have not quelled the leftist propaganda around the caste debate; they’ve intensified it. Hindu Americans, bolstered by HAF’s lawsuits (e.g., against California’s Civil Rights Department in 2023) and a growing congressional caucus, see the vetoes as victories against “Hinduphobic” overreach, but they also see that there is the double whammy inflicted upon the community by such “double” actions. Yet, anti-caste advocates continue pushing, with Seattle and Fresno bans intact and federal efforts (e.g., Rep. Pramila Jayapal’s resolutions) gaining traction despite opposition. A 2023 Washington Post piece notes Indian Americans are split: many support equity but reject laws perceived as stigmatising. The debate risks alienating Democrats’ Hindu base, especially as anti-Hindu hate rises. Meanwhile, leftist groups are exploiting caste to fragment the diaspora, with no resolution in sight. Conclusion - Community at a Crossroads The caste propaganda-based double whammy politics in the U.S. reveal leftist political opportunism. Governor Newsom’s vetoes underscore how diaspora issues are leveraged for votes, not solutions. For Hindu Americans in California and elsewhere, the fight is about survival, unity and dignity in a divisive Leftist polarised landscape.

Oct 14, 2025
Ankita Dutta

Rising Muslim Demographics in India's Northeast

Assam Chief Minister Dr. Himanta Biswa Sarma recently predicted that the population of Bangladeshi Muslims (often referred to as Miya in local Assamese parlance) in Assam is likely to rise to 38 per cent in the upcoming Census, up from about 34 per cent in 2011. While claiming that the Muslim population is increasing in the state due to “infiltration” rather than natural growth among local Muslims, he noted that this increase could make Muslims the largest community in Assam in terms of numerical strength. He further stated that districts like Majuli, the heart of Assamese Vaishnavite culture and traditions, have experienced 100 per cent growth in their Muslim population. What is most concerning is that the Muslim population in the state is growing significantly; however, Hindus now account for only 40 per cent of the state’s total population, as claimed by the Hon’ble Chief Minister himself. It is true that Assam has undergone a marked shift in its population composition over the years, especially after 1985, i.e., following the signing of the Assam Accord. Despite the BSF guarding India’s borders with Bangladesh, the unchecked influx of illegal immigrants has completely altered the demographic profile in several border districts of Assam, leading to an unnatural increase in the total population of the state. The demography of many districts has been transformed without war within a time span of hardly two generations. This is nothing but a planned aggression against the Assamese people by Bangladeshi Islamists via committing crimes such as rape and molestation against Assamese Hindu women, or converting them into Islam on the pretext of marriage and sometimes even force-feeding them beef; stealing property; cutting crops from fields owned by native Assamese and destroying the fishes in their ponds and fisheries; destroying the dairy farming industry through systematic stealing of cattle and other milch animals; trapping youngsters into drugs and alcohol; forcible occupation of lands; desecration of Hindu temples, Sattras and Namghars, and even killing the religious heads of these institutions; human trafficking, prostitution and AIDS However, the problem is certainly not confined to Assam alone, especially in the context of the North-East. Illegal immigration has been going on in other states of the region, too, on a large scale. Besides the Kuki-Zo people from Myanmar, Bangladeshi and Rohingya Muslims have infiltrated into different parts of the North-East, especially Mizoram, where they are working as both skilled and unskilled labourers. In Manipur, there has been a sudden increase in the number of people who cannot speak or understand a single Manipuri word but move around freely in many parts of the state. Immigrant Muslims, mostly illegal Bangladeshis and Rohingyas, fraternise in vast numbers with the Pangals (local Muslims) in several regions of the Valley districts of Manipur, especially Kakching, Thoubal, Bishnupur, Imphal East and Imphal West. They have even married, bought lands and settled in the state. For instance, at a place called Lilong in Thoubal district, a significant number of Muslim immigrants have entered into marital alliances with local Muslim girls and settled there. After Manipur and Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh is on the target of Bangladeshi Muslims, primarily because of its fairly low population density and abundant availability of land. Frequent reports can be heard in the local press of the ouster of these immigrants and their subsequent influx into Assam. One cannot ignore the fact that Bangladeshi infiltrators have been caught in several interior areas of Arunachal Pradesh, known for their not-so-easy accessibility. Sometimes back, a video of a Bangladeshi Muslim man named Mohammad Irfan Qureshi claiming himself to be from Tinsukia district in Assam, had gone viral on social media. Married to an Arunachali woman working in remote Palin town of Kra Daadi district in the state, he could be seen giving a media briefing just a few days after defaming his employer, Tarh Maying, a local Arunachali. He raised serious allegations of physical assault and non-payment of wages against Maying. However, in a major turnaround, Qureshi later retracted his statements, admitting that the accusations were false and made intentionally to get rid of his owner (https://www.facebook.com/100084048587018/videos/reality-checked-i-lied-to-get-rid-of-my-owner-mohammad-irfan-qureshi-retracts-al/1404458487339232/) It is to be noted that the dislike of the native youth for manual labour, especially agricultural activities, has been a major factor behind the influx of illegal immigrants in states like Assam. The same holds true for other states too, Nagaland in particular, one of Assam’s neighbouring states. Lack of active interest of the local Naga people to work in the agricultural fields eventually paved the way for non-locals, Bangladeshi Muslims in particular, primarily in sectors like tilling and ploughing. Gradually, Nagas became increasingly dependent upon their cheap services. But how could illegal Bangladeshi Muslim immigrants establish their foothold in a state like Nagaland that does not even have a border with Bangladesh, and despite the system of Inner Line Permit (ILP) in operation? It is a significant question in this regard. Similar to Arunachal Pradesh, frequent reports of the ouster of Bangladeshi Muslim immigrants and their entry into Assam have been periodically coming from Nagaland as well. Way back in 2003, Neiphiu Rio, the Chief Minister of Nagaland, had accused the Government of Assam, led by former Chief Minister Shri. Tarun Gogoi of exporting illegal immigrants into Nagaland, and that Nagaland cannot take any action against them, for they were already in possession of valid identity documents procured fraudulently in Assam. Muslims adopted an ingenious strategy of marrying local Naga girls, with the sole purpose of integrating themselves with the indigenous Naga population and claiming ownership of land, one of the most prestigious assets of the Nagas. Over a period of time, it resulted in the emergence of a hybrid race, often referred to as Nagamia. For instance, if the wife-cum-mother is a Sumi Naga and the husband-cum-father a Muslim, then their offspring are commonly classified as Sumiya or Semiya. Likewise, Aomia (wife = Ao Naga; husband = Muslim), Zeliangmia (wife = Zeliangrong Naga; husband = Muslim), Angamia (wife = Angami Naga; husband = Muslim), among others are considered as separate sub-races, thereby silently changing the state’s demographic pattern. It may be mentioned here that Nagaland recorded the highest rate of population growth in India, from 56.08 per cent during the period 1981-1991, to 64.41 per cent during 1991-2001. Interestingly, this growth rate has not been uniform throughout the state. An extremely high growth rate has been recorded in only two districts of the state bordering Assam, i.e. Dimapur and Wokha. It is significant to note that Wokha recorded a population growth rate of 95.01 per cent during the period between 1991 and 2001, this being the highest rate of decadal growth district-wise in the country. A section of the Naga society has long been viewing this as a threat to their distinct tribal identity. At present, immigrant Muslims of Bangladeshi origin have been able to make a tremendous impact in the trading sector of Nagaland, usurping a major chunk of the labour in the state’s businesses and the construction sector in particular, which has harboured the highest number of immigrant labourers. On any Islamic religious day, such as Id and Muharram, at least more than half the shops in Kohima, Nagaland’s capital, and Dimapur too, remain closed. All construction activities come to a halt. This is nothing but a clear indication of the hold exercised by the Bangladeshi Muslim immigrant community on trading and commercial activities in the region, much to the detriment of national interests. The scenario in Meghalaya, too, is not any different. Meghalaya shares a 443-km border with Bangladesh, part of which is porous, hilly, unfenced and prone to frequent infiltration. The main factors responsible for the influx of Bangladeshi nationals to Meghalaya are the high demand for cheap labour in coal mining areas, manual jobs, and porous and poor security along the border. Resultantly, illegal labourers of immigrant stock have flocked in large numbers to the mining activities in the coal and limestone mines of Meghalaya, which local tribesmen do not dare enter. Although exact figures are not available anywhere, occasional reports of violent clashes between immigrants and locals have poured in. In September 2025, the Meghalaya Police had busted an international racket involved in smuggling stolen two-wheelers from India to Bangladesh, arresting 17 persons, including nine Bangladesh nationals, during a series of operations, dealing a major blow to the cross-border network engaged in stealing, transporting, and handing over two-wheelers across the Indo-Bangladesh border. There have been reports of Bangladeshi infiltrators walking through the hilly terrain after crossing broken fences and entering India through the border between Assam and Meghalaya. The fact remains that several patches of the border with Bangladesh in the Meghalaya sector are still unfenced. Some land owners in the state have reportedly approached the courts as they are unwilling to part with their land for erecting fences. Coupled with the unfenced border, the terrain is quite challenging with hills and forests. Hence, Bangladeshi infiltrators find it relatively easier to sneak in through Meghalaya. However, we need to understand that in states like Meghalaya, Nagaland, or Mizoram, ‘outsiders’ or ‘non-tribal’ individuals, including Bangladeshi immigrants, cannot purchase or own land, especially in areas falling under the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution, which grants special protection to tribal areas. This implies that the Constitution supports such measures, recognising the unique status and rights of tribal communities in certain regions of the country. In Meghalaya, for example, the Land Transfer (Regulation) Act, 1971, enacted by the Meghalaya Government, protects the indigenous Khasi, Jaintia, and Garo communities by restricting land ownership for non-tribals and outsiders. The primary reason is to safeguard the lands and cultural identity of the native people from outside encroachment. Not just that, almost 80 per cent of jobs in the state are reserved for the indigenous tribals (Khasi, Jaintia, Garo, Hajong, Koch). The logic is that tribals are a small minority in this country, and their rights over land, resources, and employment must be protected from the larger non-tribal population. Much of Meghalaya, including popular tourist destinations like Shillong, falls under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution. So, the immigrants cross over to Assam and other parts of the country. Similar patterns of land encroachment by Bangladeshi immigrants are evident in Tripura and other parts of the North-East, like Dimapur in Nagaland, or Lilong in Manipur. Nevertheless, the massive demographic shifts witnessed in Assam due to illegal immigration from Bangladesh are incomparable to those of any other. The primary target of the immigrants has always been Government lands and properties of indigenous/native residents. Many of the state’s indigenous tribes have already faced land alienation due to settler influxes. In recent times, many cities of India too are experiencing such shifts in population. The examples of Devabhoomi Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh are cases in point. While the scale and context may vary, the mechanisms – political patronage, forged documentation, and intimidation – all mirror Assam’s experience, signalling a broader challenge for the State in the times ahead. References: Hiranya Kumar Bhattacharyya, Operation Lebensraum, Bloomsbury: India, 2018. Assam Muslim population growing due to ‘infiltration’: Himanta Sarma, Madhyamam, October 12, 2025. https://madhyamamonline.com/india/assam-muslim-population-growing-due-to-infiltration-himanta-sarma-1456507 Census of India, 2001 and 2011. https://censusindia.gov.in/census.website/ Seven illegal Bangladeshi migrants held in Meghalaya, The Assam Tribune, September 15, 2010. https://assamtribune.com/seven-illegal-bangladeshi-migrants-held-in-meghalaya Bongaigaon crackdown fallout: BSF denies infiltration claims through Meghalaya, The Assam Tribune, July 24, 2025. https://assamtribune.com/north-east/bongaigaon-crackdown-fallout-bsf-denies-infiltration-claims-through-meghalaya-border-1585954 Int'l bike smuggling racket busted in Meghalaya, Bangladesh nationals among 17 held, The Assam Tribune, September 7, 2025. https://assamtribune.com/north-east/intl-bike-smuggling-racket-busted-in-meghalaya-bangladesh-nationals-among-17-held-1590505

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